Discovery of the Fourth Dimension:
Mental Time Travel and Human Evolution




           Thomas Suddendorf




 A thesis s...
Abstract

This article considers the role of mental time travel in human evolution. A central
thesis is that other primate...
in April 1993 in form of an Appendix (A). Furthermore, in Appendix B I suggest an
experimental paradigm that may be able t...
Introduction

        We humans have long attributed to ourselves special qualities of mind, spirit
or morality that are d...
The present article will elaborate on this `something extra' that the great ape `homo'
exhibits. I expect that the debate ...
anticipate the future, based on our access to the past, has changed human motivation,
emotion, cognition, and behaviour, a...
seem to have similar hippocampus-dependent memory systems (Squire, 1992), but
this similarity might be due to a shared abi...
example, argued for separate memory and consciousness modules), they appear to be
interlinked. Episodic memory contains in...
memory representation of a prior event is not sufficient to insure the subjective
experience of remembering" (Jacoby, Kell...
knowledge (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990). A complete theory of mind does not evolve in
a single step, whether in phylogeny or i...
states, rather than merely at learning (e.g. Byrne & Whiten, 1992; Cheney & Seyfarth,
1990; Povinelli, 1993; Premack, 1988...
half to four years.
    The inference, then, is that if chimpanzees cannot attribute mental states to others
that oppose t...
Because of the hypothesized link between mindreading and mental time travel I
will propose a model for mental time travel ...
guidance of parents who usually ask for and support the verbal report (reconstruction)
of past episodes. However, as for t...
Table 1.       Proposed Development of Mindreading and Mental Time Travel into
               One's Own Past

            ...
look at it, either in reality or in imagination.
   It is clear that a superior semantic knowledge about the world (e.g. f...
Popper & Eccles, 1977), and has had a possibly metamorphotic impact on many and
varied aspects of life.
   But another imp...
While chimpanzees seem to fulfil most cognitive prerequisites for mental simulation,
they may not be able to escape the in...
of semantic knowledge (prediction by theory) about the laws that govern nature. As
with the development of mindreading and...
same, and perhaps even more, cognitive abilities as mental simulation of one's past.
In contrast to monkeys, great apes ha...
present; the anticipations do not go beyond the actual context of one behavioural unit
or gestalt. In other words, one cou...
states actually oppose their own current state. In order to demonstrate this, one might
seek evidence that completely sati...
the current drive. "What is imagined is the resonance of current needs in a future
environment" (translated from Bischof, ...
importance, was unrecognized until anecdotes were `accepted'), we now seem to be
entering a phase of more balanced inquiry...
Why Travel Mentally into the Future?

    As outlined in the previous sections, organisms evolved a variety of means to
en...
Bischof, 1985). With mental time travel into the future a third component of
motivation needs to be considered because ima...
and our development. A final important consequence remains to be discussed, which
will clearly illustrate the importance o...
humans and chimps do not share with monkeys. It should therefore not surprise that
in many respects chimpanzees differ mor...
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
Discovery of the fourth dimension   mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)
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Discovery of the fourth dimension mental time travel and human evolution (suddendorf 1994)

  1. 1. Discovery of the Fourth Dimension: Mental Time Travel and Human Evolution Thomas Suddendorf A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of University of Waikato January 1994
  2. 2. Abstract This article considers the role of mental time travel in human evolution. A central thesis is that other primates, although having memory and expectation, do not possess the same ability to live in the past or in the future. The first half of this paper argues that reconstructive access to the past (i.e. episodic memory) is dependent on other advanced cognitive capabilities (e.g. self-awareness and meta-representation) and focuses on the results of recent `theory of mind' research in order to evaluate the thesis. Mental simulation is the proposed underlying mechanism for the development of both mindreading and mental time travel. The second half contrasts flexible awareness of possible futures with other forms of `anticipatory behaviour' and reviews evidence about how far other primates may think ahead. The phylogenetic history of mental time travel and its adaptive and exaptive relationships to other features are discussed. Mental access to the fourth dimension is essential for many of the distinctive characteristics of our species. Preface "If martians have been observing the development of the blue-green planet called Earth, they would have noticed the extraordinary, exponentially growing changes during the last millennia. One component of this planet, the species Homo sapiens sapiens, would have been easily recognized by the martians as the cause of these changes. Even more astonishing to the hypothetical martians than the tremendous effects humans have on the environment, would have been the human capability to commit global suicide" (Suddendorf, 1992, p.4). Hence, martian scientists might ask themselves what distinguishes humans from all the other creatures this planet produced? Most of humans' closest relatives, the other great apes, continue to behave calmly. So, what enabled and motivated humans to change the face of the Earth? These are the great questions that puzzled me, and many before me, for a long time. The last two years I have tried to research and evaluate our knowledge in respect to a potential answer that so far was mainly neglected. The answer I advocate in this thesis is that humans, unlike other animals, developed a mental access to the fourth dimension: our awareness of past and future. The argument comprises recent findings in cognitive psychology, comparative psychology, developmental psychology, evolutionary psychology and primatology, and touches on many neighbouring fields such as archaeology and neurophysiology. Most issues raised are worth separate essays, but in the light of the scope of this paper and the variety of issues relevant, many topics can be illuminated only briefly (and some could only be pointed out in form of footnotes). This may be the price one has to pay if one does not focus on a specific detail but rather tries to bring together interdisciplinary knowledge in pursuit of the `larger picture'. This picture is nonetheless confined to the `mental time travel' aspect of human evolution and I would like to urge those who try to reconstruct an even broader picture of human evolution to include this aspect. The argument is written in article style and indeed, has been submitted for publication. Because I did not want to disrupt this theoretical contribution, I decided to add the preliminary results of a survey I started
  3. 3. in April 1993 in form of an Appendix (A). Furthermore, in Appendix B I suggest an experimental paradigm that may be able to put some of the ensuing questions to test. Both Appendices (A & B) are a substantial part of the thesis work and I would like to encourage readers to go through those in addition to the main body. Questions that were once philosophical are now beginning to yield to scientific inquiry, and I hope that, even if the material requires some mental effort, some of the excitement of this enterprise is conveyed in this thesis. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Alison Annals, Richard Aukett, Barbara Gerding, Pam Oliver and my parents for their help and support. I am indebted to the people in the Department of Psychology at Auckland University, for generously hosting me as a guest student for the last year. Most of all I have to thank Mike Corballis for so many reasons that there is no point in listing them all. He has been the best supervisor possible for my project and academically speaking he alone was worth travelling half around the world from Germany to New Zealand. His admirable modesty will surely let him hate this acknowledgement.
  4. 4. Introduction We humans have long attributed to ourselves special qualities of mind, spirit or morality that are denied all other creatures. Religions seem to play a special role in this by bestowing uniquely upon us an immortal soul or by tracing our origins to some divine act of creation. [Corballis, 1991, p.3] What is the essential difference between humans and other creatures on planet Earth? Even after the general acceptance of the theory of evolution, when humans acknowledged having common ancestors with all other species, we put ourselves at the top of the ladder, standing in solitary splendour far above all other species. This conceit may of course be regarded as a `false consensus bias' (Ross, Green & House, 1977) created by western scholars who were raised under the influence of the Christian tradition, which perpetuates an unbridgeable gap separating humans from animals. There are, however, other perspectives and influential philosophical and religious traditions that emphasize the continuity rather than discontinuity of human evolution. Hinduism, for example, views animal and human minds as stages that differ in merely quantitative fashion in the continued progression towards Nirvana. Features that the western scientific enterprise assumed to be uniquely human only a few years ago (e.g. symbolic thinking, tool use, self-awareness) have been shown to exist, at least to a degree, in nonhuman great apes, too (e.g. Greenfield & Savage- Rumbaugh, 1990; Goodall, 1986; Gallup, 1983)1. In order to uphold the belief in an unbridgeable gap separating humans from animals, researchers of the last decades have been continuously forced to pose increasingly more restrictive (or less elegant) definitions of humanity or of supposedly uniquely human qualities, such as language (Gibson, 1990). An example of this trend has to do with the one-time belief that only humans use tools. In the face of increasing evidence to the contrary, it was then proposed that only humans manufacture tools, and more recently still that only humans use tools to manufacture tools (e.g. Beck, 1980)2. Recent evidence suggests that some great apes, in contrast to monkeys, may have at least a rudimentary3 `theory of mind' (Premack & Woodruff, 1978; Premack, 1988), may be able to use pedagogy in both laboratory (Fouts, Fouts & van Cantfort, 1989) and field (Boesch, 1991) contexts, may show empathy and compassion (Boesch, 1992), may be able to truly imitate (Byrne, in press; Meador, Rumbaugh, Pate & Bard, 1987), and may have the ability (possibly underlying all those above) to imagine other possible worlds (Byrne & Whiten, 1992). These `discoveries' reveal more and more a picture of apes as the `missing link' bridging the gap between the animal kingdom and humanity. One could be even tempted to re-locate this `gap', so that it separates the great apes, rather than only humans, from all other animals. Nevertheless, it can still be argued that there is a substantial gap between humans and the other great apes, if only because of the extraordinary impact we have had on the environment. As Passingham (1982) puts it: Our species is unique because, in only 35000 years or so, we have revolutionized the face of the Earth. We have created entirely new environments for ourselves, have changed the lives of animals, and have the power to threaten the existence of life on our planet. [p.21]
  5. 5. The present article will elaborate on this `something extra' that the great ape `homo' exhibits. I expect that the debate about whether it constitutes a continuity or discontinuity in phylogeny will eventually become immaterial, in the way the nature- nurture debate turned out to be. Depending on the philosophical emphasis implicit in the theoretical filter through which one views it, one may classify human evolution either as a discontinuity or a continuity, although the two may not be mutually exclusive. Apparent discontinuities or the impression of qualitative differences can result from continuous gradual changes in phylogeny, in the way that H2O changes `qualitatively' from ice to water to gas as temperature continuously and quantitatively increases. These types of changes might be best described by the term metamorphosis (Bischof, 1985). The crucial evolutionary concept of exaptation (e.g. Gould, 1991; Gould & Vbra, 1982) might have been the underpinning of such a metamorphotic change in human evolution: A gradually evolved adaptive feature may have had a variety of `side' characteristics that were not directly relevant to the survival of the organism, but at a later point in phylogeny these characteristics may have become the basis for new strains of adaptation. In their theory of "punctuated equilibrium" Eldredge and Gould (1972) argued that major phylogenetic changes may occur in short periods of time producing an apparent discontinuity in the fossil record and among living species. The seemingly qualitative differences between humans and other animals might have been the result of a metamorphotic change that gave new fitness value to a variety of phylogenetic older features. This may have rapidly changed humans some time during the last 5 to 8 million years, after the phylogenetic split from the line that led to the modern chimpanzees. In this article I want to re-introduce into the debate an aspect of human thought, rather than morphology, whose phylogenetic emergence might have had such a profound significance that it could have been a prime mover in human evolution: the discovery of the dimension of time. Wolfgang Koehler (1917/1927) anticipated with his work many of the `recent discoveries' about the mentality of apes. Contrary to the prevailing Zeitgeist, Koehler emphasized the relatively sophisticated mental capacities of chimpanzees, but he also noted an important limitation: `The time in which the chimpanzee lives' is limited in past and future" [Koehler, 1917/1927, p.272]. We humans, by contrast, seem to be able to concern ourselves with issues that are not limited in past or future. Events as remote as the crucifixion of Christ can be very important to us, and we even tackle questions about the extent of time itself by developing religious or scientific concepts like `genesis', `big bang' or `judgment day'. Indeed, most of what is written or talked about refers to something that has happened in the past or could happen in the future; the present appears to be just a brief segment passing from the future into the past. While life is always happening in this present, our cognition, emotion, motivation and behaviour is largely influenced by what we believe has happened or may happen. Humans can `mentally travel in time'; we can use our imaginations to represent events of past and future and reflect upon them. Clearly, animals have some sort of memory and expectations, but their ability to mentally travel in time may be significantly limited. The human ability to mentally travel in time is central to the interpretation of human evolution that is presented here. In particular, I will argue that our ability to
  6. 6. anticipate the future, based on our access to the past, has changed human motivation, emotion, cognition, and behaviour, and was one of the major forces that led us to change the very face of the Earth. Perhaps we need to improve this ability even more if we are to survive the rapid changes we have produced recently. The purposes of this article are to highlight mental time travel as an important human condition, to determine whether it is uniquely human, to propose a possible underlying mechanism, to assess its phylogenetic and ontogenetic development and to discuss its adaptive or exaptive relationship to other human characteristics. First I discuss mental time travel into the past and then mental time travel into the future. Mental Time Travel into the Past It seems reasonable to argue that in order to imagine a past that lies before their own lifetimes, people must have evolved the means to represent (remember) events of their own past. Many scientists have argued for fundamental differences between animal and human memory (e.g. Aristotle; Bischof, 1985; Gardner, 1975 cited in Marshall, 1982; Marshall, 1982; Tulving, 1983). But since animals can obviously learn from past experiences, it might be thought that human and animal memory differ only in degree. However, research in different areas (e.g. psychology, philosophy, artificial intelligence; see Polster, Nadel & Schacter, 1991, for a recent historical review) suggests that memory consists of multiple systems that may be functionally and structurally distinct (although alternative views exist, see for example Roediger, 1990), and this raises the possibility that one or more of these memory systems may be an acquisition unique to humans. A Uniquely Human Memory System? Research on the phenomena of amnesia, in particular the extensive studies of the patient H.M., forced psychologists to distinguish between different kinds of memory, because one type of memory can be impaired while another continues to function normally. Despite his memory loss, H.M.'s behaviour can be influenced by the past without him being aware of it (see Ogden & Corkin, 1991, for a recent review). The spared learning or memory abilities, as reflected in learned skills, classical and operant conditioning, priming, habituation and sensitization, affect performance without affording an `image/picture of the past' (Koehler, 1917/1927), a `recollective experience' (Gardiner, 1991) or `access' to the experience that is affecting current performance (Zola-Morgan & Squire, 1990). While there is ample evidence that animals rely extensively on information stored in this implicit fashion, there is considerable debate about whether animals possess the memory systems that are impaired in global amnesia. These are semantic and episodic memory (see Ogden & Corkin, 1991; Squire, 1992). Tulving (1972, 1983), who proposed the dissociation between semantic and episodic memory, saw these as functionally separate although interacting systems. Semantic memory comprises context-free knowledge or facts about the world and episodic memory comprises personal experiences and events (Tulving, 1983). Consolidation of both kinds of information appears to be dependent on the hippocampus and related structures (Squire, 1992). Rats, monkeys and humans
  7. 7. seem to have similar hippocampus-dependent memory systems (Squire, 1992), but this similarity might be due to a shared ability to store semantic facts, rather than episodes. Ridley (1992) argued that semantic memory exists in animals such as vervet monkeys, because these animals apparently represent not-perceptually-present facts about their social world. The distress call of an isolated infant, for instance, leads the mother to look to her infant whereas other mothers look to the mother (see Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990, for further examples). Evidence for episodic memory, the memory of personal experiences associated with past points in time, seems to be more difficult to find for animals, and Tulving (1983) himself went so far as to suggest that episodic memory may be uniquely human. This suggestion did not stay unchallenged, however. Olton (1984) and earlier Roitblat (1982) pointed out that animals display certain behaviour, as in a trial of a delayed conditioned-discrimination task, or in foraging where an animal must remember not to go to the same flower twice to obtain nectar, which indicates that "remnants" of a previous experience allow it to affect later behaviour. Thus, the animal "represents" a past event and, according to Olton (1984), therefore possesses episodic memory. However, Dretske (1982) argued that this inference is not unambiguous. If event A leads to the change B in the cognitive apparatus of an animal and B affects behaviour C at a later point in time, then B does not necessarily carry any information about A itself, and may therefore not be a true representation of A. The mediator B might be `causal' rather than `informational'; "that is, that the memory trace of the stored event only contains instruction for future behavior, without any information that would permit the reconstruction of the past" (Tulving, 1984, p.258). The fact that animals can `recognize' objects that they have seen only once before could be a result of a feeling of familiarity rather than of a remembrance of that event (Ridley, 1992). In his reply to Olton's critique Tulving accepts that animals may have a form of episodic memory that serves at least as a causal mediator, and in fact Olton's examples meet many and violate none of the criteria Tulving (1983) laid out for episodic memory. However, Tulving maintains that animals may not be able to "mentally travel back in time to recollect and reminisce the way humans do" and illustrates his position by rhetorically asking "was Aristotle wrong when he said that, `Many animals have memory and are capable of instruction, but no other animal except man can recall the past at will'...?" (Tulving, 1984, p.258). If one accepts Dretske (1982) and Tulving's (1984) argument that learning from single events does not constitute evidence for representations of the past, it appears as yet impossible to show that animals travel mentally into the past even if they actually do so. It is however possible to further analyze the possibility of mental time travel in animals indirectly by considering related mental capacities. Mental Capacities and Mental Time Travel Tulving (1985) argued that different kinds of consciousness characterize different memory systems. Procedural (here termed implicit) memory implies anoetic (nonknowing) consciousness, semantic memory implies noetic (knowing) consciousness, and episodic memory implies autonoetic (self-knowing) consciousness. Although it is not clear whether these types of consciousness are, as Tulving argued, properties of the memory systems themselves (Schacter, 1989, for
  8. 8. example, argued for separate memory and consciousness modules), they appear to be interlinked. Episodic memory contains information about past states of one's self and of the world. On the one hand, in providing autobiographical information about one's own past, memory of past events (episodic memory) provides the basis for one's personal identity. On the other hand, in order to attribute representations to experiences of self at an earlier point in time one may need to be aware of one's self in the present (cf. Howe & Courage, 1993), an ability that only chimpanzees (e.g. Gallup, 1970), orangutans (e.g. Suarez & Gallup, 1981) and a gorilla (Patterson, 1991)4 have demonstrated through self-recognition in a mirror5. Monkeys and even elephants can learn how a mirror works, but, in contrast to the great apes, they cannot locate markings viewed in a mirror if these markings are on their own bodies (Gallup, 1983; Povinelli, 1989). If one cannot consciously (autonoetically) recognize the self in the present (e.g. in the mirror), how could one possibly recognize the self in the past? In order to understand that current mental images can represent one's own earlier experiences, one needs to have a concept of self that allows for such inferences. It might be objected that it is not necessary to postulate the need for metacognitions such as the inference that representations are experiences of the self in the past, because memories of past events could reveal themselves without them. But, as I will show in the following paragraphs, memory for past episodes, unlike memory for facts, does imply metacognitions in that it involves active reconstruction and attribution, and is therefore as much a function of the present as a record of the past. The term memory is often associated with a fixed databank (e.g. library) but this metaphor appears to be more appropriate for semantic knowledge (memory for facts) than for episodic memory. In contrast to the retrieval of facts, retrieval of past episodes usually recodes (`updates') the stored information (Tulving, 1984)6. Retrieval of past episodes appears to be more than `opening and reading a file'; the past episodes need to be reconstructed. Almost a century ago Freud (1895, cited in Marshall, 1982) noted that even memories that reveal themselves as images require a story grammar if remembrance is to be distinguished from random hallucinations. However, the storyline is often reconstructed on the basis of one's general knowledge rather than what actually happened (e.g. Bartlett, 1932) and may therefore not be part of the memory trace7. The order of past events in time seems not to be a property of memory. After reviewing the evidence Friedman concluded recently that [i]n spite of the common intuition that chronology is a basic property of autobiographical memory, the research reviewed demonstrates that there is no single, natural temporal code in human memory. Instead, a chronological past depends on a process of active, repeated construction [Friedman, 1993, p.44]8. The reconstruction of time and storyline presupposes that one is aware of the `pastness' of the current representations. In other words, in order to reconstruct episodes one needs to be able to make the basic distinction between representations of the past (memories) and representations of the present (e.g. hallucinations, perceptions). But even this basic quality appears not to be inherent in memory, that is, memories seem not to be marked as memories. On the one hand, there are plenty of examples of confabulation, the experience of remembering without the existence of corresponding memory representations (see, for example, Bowers & Hilgard, 1986). We frequently `remember' events that did not happen (or at least not in the way we recall them). On the other hand, it has been shown that "[h]aving - and even using - a
  9. 9. memory representation of a prior event is not sufficient to insure the subjective experience of remembering" (Jacoby, Kelley & Dywan, 1989, p.417). A feeling of `pastness' appears not to be a property of the memory representation, but has to be inferred and attributed (or, in the case of confabulation, misattributed) to the current representation (Jacoby, Kelley & Dywan, 1989). However, it is this subjective experience of the `pastness' of representations, not the objective validity of memory (as usually investigated in human and animal research), on which the ability to mentally travel into one's own past rests. Thus, what Tulving (1983, 1984) called episodic memory is as much dependent on present mental abilities as on memory storage of the past. What appears to be required is a concept of self and the ability to form meta- or second-order representations of one's own knowledge. In order to travel mentally back in time, i.e. to attribute representations to experiences of the self in the past and reconstruct these representations into episodes, one needs to have access to the content of one's own mind (cf. Ridley, 1992). In addition to the primary representation (e.g. I am in a park), one has to represent this representation as a memory. Other primary representations that are represented as memories (e.g. I go shopping and I play ball) can be reconstructed into a past episode (e.g. I was in a park, played ball and then went shopping) which may afford further metacognitions. The ability to voluntarily (selectively) choose what events of the past are internally generated is a characteristic of human mental time travel that even more strongly demands flexible access to one's own mind. The Mentality of Primates Do animals have an awareness about the contents of their own minds? Cheney and Seyfarth (1990) argue that monkeys do not recognize and represent their own knowledge. Monkeys do not entertain metacognitions of their own states of mind. Just as people with `blindsight' do not know (are not consciously aware) that they have vision, monkeys may not know what they know, or even that they know (e.g. Gallup, 1983; Humphrey, 1986). Since the subjective experience of remembering seems not to be evoked by the memory trace itself, some animals may have representations of past events without the awareness (knowing, representing) that these representations are past experiences and consequently without the possibility to actively reconstruct these representations into narrative episodes. But how can we know whether or not animals form second-order representations of their own mental states? We can only infer from observable behaviour. Behavioural available only for chimpanzees and perhaps the other great apes (Whiten and Byrne, 1991). This evidence comprises observations indicating behaviour such as pretend based on the ability to form meta-representations. The question whether or not animals can attribute mental states such as remembering to themselves might be best assessed by examining the growing body of data concerning the attribution of mental states to others (cf. next section). Since Premack and Woodruff's (1978) original article on whether chimpanzees have a `theory of mind', research on animals' and children's conceptions of mind has boomed. I will review some of the research results that are important for mental time travel. A `complete' theory of mind, such as that possessed by adult humans, is expressed by being able to attribute mental states to one's self (e.g. do I desire, intend, believe or, according to the previous argument, remember X?) and to others (e.g. does she desire or believe X or Y?) even when there is a discrepancy between one's own and other's
  10. 10. knowledge (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990). A complete theory of mind does not evolve in a single step, whether in phylogeny or in ontogeny, but is better described by gradual differences between species and between developmental stages. The ostrich that buries its head in the sand is apparently intellectually unable to take the visual perspective of others. However, Kummer, for example, observed a female baboon apparently hiding parts of her body (i.e. her hands that were grooming a subadult male) from the male leader, implying that she was able to mentally take the male's visual perspective (Kummer, 1990, record 56 in Byrne & Whiten, 1990). This does not necessarily imply an attribution of a mental state resulting from seeing. But an understanding of that another's visual perspective differs from one's own might be viewed as a phylogenetic step into that direction (cf. Whiten, 1991). There appears to be little evidence indicating that monkeys attribute mental states, i.e. that they are aware of others' or their own intentions, beliefs or knowledge (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990). Rhesus monkeys, for example, fail to comprehend what another individual knows as a result of seeing. They choose randomly between the advice of those trainers who saw the baiting of one of several containers that were invisible to them and those who could not have seen it (Povinelli, Parks & Novak, 1991). Chimpanzees, however, learn to pick the individual who can help solve the task (Povinelli, Nelson & Boysen, 1990; Premack, 1988). Besides understanding visual perspective in this case it appears necessary to attribute resulting states of mind (knowledge). Similar discrepancies between the performance of chimpanzees and monkeys in the realms of deception (Byrne & Whiten, 1990, 1992), teaching (Boesch, 1991; Fouts et al., 1989) and imitation (Byrne, in press; Meador et al., 1987) may also be due to chimpanzees' superior skills in attributing mental states (Byrne, in press; Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990). Imitation, for example, is not evident in monkeys in spite of the popular belief that monkeys are notorious imitators. Recent reviews attribute monkeys' social learning to `lower level' mechanisms such as stimulus enhancement and social facilitation, while they accept the evidence for `true' imitation in great apes (Byrne, in press; Meador, et al., 1987). Monkeys may not truly imitate because they cannot impute motives (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990) and because they may not be able to mentally take other's roles (Byrne, in press). In a cooperation task devised by Povinelli, Parks and Novak (1992) monkeys learned their part without gaining knowledge about the contingent role of the other participant. This can be inferred from the observation that in a role-reversal condition the monkeys did not show positive transfer effects from their prior experience in the other role. By contrast, chimpanzees were able to assume the other's role when they were reversed (Povinelli, Nelson & Boysen, 1992). These and other observations substantiate the view that only chimpanzees (and perhaps the other great apes) have some meta-representational understanding of, or awareness about, the nature of mind (see Suddendorf, 1993, for a comprehensive review of the evidence). Sceptical reviews (e.g. Heyes, 1993) nevertheless maintain that none of the recent efforts has provided convincing evidence for mental state attribution in animals. Heyes (1993) argues that the observed behaviour of apes could be explained by learning processes that do not entail the attribution of mental states. If Heyes is right, then there would be no reason to believe that any animal can reconstruct past episodes, because no species has provided evidence for the required awareness about contents of their own or other minds. But the consistent discrepancy between the performances of monkeys and great apes on varied measures has convinced many scholars that our closest relatives seem superior at attributing mental
  11. 11. states, rather than merely at learning (e.g. Byrne & Whiten, 1992; Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990; Povinelli, 1993; Premack, 1988; Suddendorf, 1993). Yet, the consistent discrepancy between the performances of great apes and adult humans also ensures that even if chimpanzees can make attributions, these attributions are limited in a number of respects (Premack, 1988). There is experimental evidence suggesting that chimpanzees, in contrast to most other animals, can understand that others may differ in what they see (Premack, 1988), what they intend and desire (Premack & Woodruff, 1978) and what they know (Povinelli, Nelson & Boysen, 1990). However, there is no evidence suggesting that chimpanzees can simultaneously represent their own knowledge and different knowledge of others (see Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990; Premack, 1988). The understanding of false beliefs (see Wimmer & Perner, 1983) seems to indicate a marked conceptual shift in children's (three and a half to four years) understanding of mind (e.g. Gopnik, 1993; Wellman, 1991; see below). Chimpanzees have not provided evidence for reaching this level of mental attribution, but investigations are scant (see Suddendorf, 1993, for a review). As yet, we have to assume that chimpanzees cannot represent others' false beliefs, i.e. they cannot represent knowledge that is in opposition to their own (Premack, 1988, Premack & Dasser, 1991; Whiten, 1992). Knowing Yourself and Knowing Others If we assume that apes do have some ability to attribute mental states, may the deficits in mindreading capacity that are nonetheless apparent bear any constraining impact on their potential mental time travelling ability? I will risk a speculation that an inability to represent mental states opposed to one's own present mental states applies not only to the mental states of others, but also to one's own earlier mental states. This inference is empirically supported by recent findings in child psychology. In human development two, three and four-year-olds progressively master the attribution of desires, then beliefs, and finally false beliefs (i.e. simultaneously representing knowledge that is contrary to their own) (see, for example, Gopnik, 1993; Wellman, 1991; Whiten, 1991; Wimmer & Perner, 1983). Consistent with the above speculation, the acquisition of attributing opposing mental states to others coincides with, or follows, the acquisition of attributing opposing mental states to one's self in the past (Gopnik, 1993). Three-year-olds fail to understand that their current knowledge, for example that there are pencils and not smarties in the candy box, may not be available to others and wrongly predict that another child believes pencils to be in the candy box (Perner, Leekam & Wimmer, 1987). Asked what they themselves believed to be in the candy box before they were shown, they apparently fail to remember their own previous false belief and say that they originally thought pencils were in the box (Gopnik & Astington, 1988). In contrast to changes in belief, changes in the physical world were remembered by the subjects. Children younger than four years seem to have problems remembering information referring to an opposing past state of themselves as much as they fail to represent contrary mental states of others. This appears to be as true for desires as for the later understanding of intentions and beliefs. Having eaten enough to satiate a desire, still one third of three-year-olds reported not having been hungry before: after eating four portions of mousse the children insisted that they had not had a desire for the mousse before (Gopnik, 1993). Full understanding of opposing-to-own-present mental states of others or past self (of desires, intentions and beliefs) is not reached before the average age of three and a
  12. 12. half to four years. The inference, then, is that if chimpanzees cannot attribute mental states to others that oppose their own, then they should not be able to attribute past mental states to themselves that oppose their present ones. We have seen that recent findings in developmental psychology, while not providing proof, do support this idea. However, would this inability restrict chimpanzees' ability to mentally re-experience past episodes? Does this inability restrict three-year olds' episodic memory? While implicit memory (e.g. conditioning, priming) appears to be functional very early in infancy, most studies indicate that memory for past episodes develops between age three and four (see Pillemer & White, 1989 for a review). Two and a half year olds may recall some fragments of remote past events, but only between the ages of three and four do children seem to begin to mentally travel into their past, i.e. to mentally reconstruct past episodes as organized narratives. Around the same age (between three and four, Loftus, 1993; Pillemer & White, 1989; Sheingold & Tenny, 1982) childhood amnesia begins to cease. That is, adults' accessible memory for past episodes usually begins from that point9. At around the same time children acquire gradually the abilities to mentally reconstruct past episodes and to attribute mental states to others and to themselves. This may not be mere coincidence. Children who fail to recall their opposing-to- present past mental states may not have acquired a fully established episodic memory system because past episodes are defined by the past state of the world and the past state of self. Although the children seem to some extent to be able to remember past states of the world, they are apparently unable to recall their own past mental states, or at least those aspects of their past mental states that are contradictory to the present one. A full picture of a past episode, however, requires that one represents one's former states of mind (e.g. desires, intentions and beliefs) in order to understand and, more fundamentally, reconstruct the past interaction of self and the world. That children have difficulties with the essential self-referencing aspect of episodic memory is further substantiated by the finding that three-year-olds have problems recalling the source of their own current knowledge (Gopnik & Graf, 1988; O'Neill & Gopnik, 1991). Although it may have happened only minutes ago, they apparently fail to reconstruct the episode during which they have acquired their current knowledge. A fully-fledged episodic memory system that allows for mental time travel back to (or, reconstruction of) the experience of self at a past point in time demands the ability to represent opposing-to-present mental states. Only at the age of three and a half to four years does the child fully master this, and only then may it therefore establish an episodic memory system comparable to the adult human one. Later still, between four and eight years, the child acquires an explicit knowledge about the culturally dependent time patterns (e.g. weeks, months, years) that assist the structuring of one's own past experiences (Friedman, 1991, 1992). If chimpanzees cannot represent opposing-to-present mental states of their past selves, one may conclude that chimpanzees cannot have a fully established episodic memory system. While they may have an elementary memory for past events of the world comparable to that in children under three and a half years, the reconstruction of one's own past experiences requires the representation of opposing-to-present mental states. Without such reconstruction mental time travel into one's own past is drastically limited. A Model for the Development of Mental Time Travel and Mindreading
  13. 13. Because of the hypothesized link between mindreading and mental time travel I will propose a model for mental time travel that is based on one of the explanatory concepts that have been put forward for the development of `theory of mind'. Simulation theory is a model proposed for children's mindreading development (Gordon, 1986; Harris, 1991; Humphrey, 1986; Johnson, 1988), and it may also serve as a conceptualization for mental time travel. According to this model the child does not hold an actual `theory' of mind but acquires knowledge of another person's mind by internally simulating that person's situation (i.e. his or her self-world constellation)10. This idea is based on evidence that two- to three-year-olds can imagine having a mental state (e.g. belief or desire) that they do not have and that they can imagine different worlds (Harris, 1991). Both abilities appear to be evident in the development of children's pretend play. During early childhood children improve their ability to reason from pretend premises (see Harris, 1991) which appears necessary for more advanced mindreading based on the analogy from imagined to real. Harris (1991) postulates that imagined events are produced against a background of default settings which correspond to the current state of self and of the world. Between two and four years of age the child learns to become flexible and accurate in altering the default settings in order to imagine what it would be like being in somebody else's position. The child has to change the default setting of the state of the world (as known to the child) to the state of the world as known to the other and the intentional stance of self to the intentional stance of the other in order to make a correct simulation of the self-world constellation of the other. According to this approach, the typical failures of younger children result from an insufficient ability to set aside their own current knowledge of the state of the world and/or to detach from their own intentional stance (Goldman, 1993; Harris, 1993). Their own present states interfere with the simulation. Escaping from the influence of one's own mental states is learned first in respect to intentional stance and then in respect to knowledge and belief. By age four the child is able to accurately simulate the mind-world relationship of others. Only later still, I suggest, may these simulation processes lead to the formation of an actual theory of mind, i.e. a semantic set of rules that describe the nature of mind and that allow for understanding and prediction of another's mind and action without requiring an internal simulation. The ability of mental perspective taking and simulation is, however, not lost to adult humans. While we can quickly infer that someone is jealous, based on our knowledge about the circumstances and our semantic theory of the nature of minds, we can also try to imagine what it would be like being in the other's position. Such a simulated `episodic' process may result in better, more empathic understanding and better prediction of the other person's feelings, thoughts and actions. The ontogeny (and perhaps phylogeny) of our access to our own past might be quite similar to the development of mindreading outlined above. The mental reconstruction of past episodes may also be based on using one's imagination to represent other possible worlds and states of self. A semantic concept (theory) of the past may develop only later in life. Instead, children may first have to learn to mentally simulate (reconstruct) past episodes. Instead of imagining what it would be like, one may simulate what it was like being in a specific situation. The reconstruction of past episodes may be understood as an internal simulation of past states of the world and of the self. This requires the basic capacity to attribute current representations to experiences of one's self at a past point in time, i.e. to recognize them as memories. Both processes are fostered in human development by the
  14. 14. guidance of parents who usually ask for and support the verbal report (reconstruction) of past episodes. However, as for the mindreading capacity, children have to acquire the ability to accurately alter default settings, i.e. to set aside their current mental state (intentional stance to and knowledge about the world) when attempting to simulate past episodes11. Only at about age four may they be able to mentally travel back in time and simulate (re-experience) their own past state and the state of the world as it was known to the past self. Later still, this ability to re-experience (re-present) past episodes may result in an abstract understanding of the past which may allow for quick access to relevant information of past episodes without involving internal simulation and re-experiencing of the complex episode. As with mindreading, the earlier system of simulation remains functional in later life. We can remember that we have seen Paul this afternoon without simulating the past episode, and we can also travel mentally into the past, `picture' the situation, reminisce (re-experience) the encounter and empathize with our own or Paul's position. Instead of proposing a sharp distinction between the systems it may be more reasonable to view them as two extremes of a continuum whereby the more abstract conscious access grew out of the ability to mentally simulate past episodes12. Can other animals use mental simulation for the reconstruction of past episodes? Chimpanzees (and perhaps the other great apes) fulfil the mental simulation prerequisite of being able to imagine other possible worlds (Byrne & Whiten, 1992). In contrast to monkeys, chimpanzees seem to be self-aware and appear to engage in `true' pretence, i.e. they form second-order representations about the world (Whiten & Byrne, 1991). Reasoning in this imagined world appears to be possible for chimpanzees and proper transference between real and imagined world also appears to occur. In order to solve Koehler's (1917/1927) raking problem by insight the chimpanzee Sultan seemed to form a mental representation of the situation, manipulate components in his imagination until he hit upon a solution, and then enact the solution in the real world. Chimpanzees seem to be able to attribute at least some mental states to others (Premack, 1988), to imitate (Meador et al., 1987) and to take other's roles (Povinelli, Nelson & Boysen, 1992), which may mean that they can use mental simulation processes. Perhaps chimpanzees are only limited by the `small' but, according to the outlined model, significant step of escaping their present state of mind in order to fully travel mentally into their own past and reminisce the way we do. I have argued above that chimpanzees' presumed inability to simultaneously represent opposing-to-own mental states of others may also indicate their inability to represent opposing-to-present mental states of their own past, and in this respect they may resemble three-year-old children13. A completely functional episodic memory system may require the ability to detach from the present, to attribute representations to the past and to use the imagination to reconstruct them into episodes with a storyline for the interaction of both, states of the world and states of self. Awareness of and access to the contents of the dimension of time may be strongly dependent on the full development of all mental abilities involved in such a system. An overview of the model is provided by table 1.
  15. 15. Table 1. Proposed Development of Mindreading and Mental Time Travel into One's Own Past Mental stage Ontogeny Phylogeny 2nd-order representation self-awareness 2 yearsa great apes imagine other possible worlds gorilla? Attribution of reconstruction of 3 years great apes? mental states but past events but interference of interference of own present state own present state in simulation in simulation attribution of time travel into 4 years homo erectus?b mental states; past; simulation simulation without without interference interference abstract theory of abstract concept 5 years homo sapiens mind of past onwards a age is not a causal agent but allows for roughly averaged categorization b see section `when did mental time travel emerge' below Why Travel Mentally into the Past? What adaptive advantage could it have to represent one's former state of mind in the context of past events, i.e. to mentally travel back in time, if phylogenetic older forms of memory already allow for learning from a single event? We humans seem to care for our memory of past events as we do for a personal treasure, as expressed by the phrase: no one can take away your memories. These memories seem to be valued for their own sake. We can tell stories about our past, which certainly has the adaptive advantage of transmitting knowledge to others who do not have to experience those events themselves in order to learn from them. However, this advantage could only have evolved after the emergence of language and is of benefit mainly to the receiver. It appears more reasonable to search for selective advantages in the individual actually doing these time travels. In fact, we do not merely repeat past situations mentally, we also reflect on them, which constitutes a significant advantage in that it permits us to learn over and over again from a single experience and thereby to increase semantic knowledge. One picture may contain information requiring thousands of words to describe, and similarly one episode may contain thousands of semantic facts that may only become accessible if one can repeatedly
  16. 16. look at it, either in reality or in imagination. It is clear that a superior semantic knowledge about the world (e.g. facts about the physical, chemical and biological reality) was necessary for our species to change the world in the way it has (e.g. through technology, agriculture, science etc.). Some scholars have taken this as evidence for the idea that semantic memory must have evolved, whether in phylogeny or in ontogeny, after the evolution of episodic memory (e.g. Donald, 1991; Seamon, 1984). However, other animals appear to possess semantic memory (see above, p.8), which supports Tulving's (1983, 1984, 1985) perspective that episodic memory must have evolved later. Nevertheless this development of a memory for past events may have had the great adaptive advantage of boosting the older semantic memory system. The ability to mentally travel back in time, to simulate past experiences, enables the individual to extract far more semantic knowledge then could have been extracted at the moment of the experience itself. Episodic memory potentiates the access to information utilizable for the generation of abstract theories. Conversely, Kinsbourne and Wood (1975, cited in Kinsbourne, 1989) showed that the absence of episodic memory slows down the acquisition of new knowledge. Using one's imagination to reconstruct episodes of the past is an evolutionary catalyst that boosts the ability to acquire sophisticated semantic knowledge. Causal chains can be analyzed by putting (reconstructing) an event in broader contexts, relationships and rules can be extracted and the same (simulation) system can be used to change aspects, permitting the individual to test alternatives without having to face real-life consequences14. Although these abilities clearly increase the fitness of the organism, they may not have evolved for these reasons. In recent years the idea that intelligence or even consciousness has emerged in order to deal with social problems has become popular (e.g. Byrne & Whiten, 1988; Humphrey, 1976, 1986; Jolly, 1966). This hypothesis of so-called `Machiavellian intelligence' (Byrne & Whiten, 1988; de Waal, 1982) suggests that the need to become a good natural psychologist was the selective pressure that produced intelligence in primates. Clearly, if one knows what is on the mind of another individual, one is better at predicting and manipulating behaviour, at cooperating and planning, and at imitating and teaching. If the Machiavellian intelligence hypothesis is correct, then our `self intelligence', our knowledge of present and past self, might be an exaptation: it may have emerged from the ability to understand others. Humphrey (1986) argued along these lines when he claimed that the human desire to gather a variety of experiences emerged because it allows us to understand others in similar situations. But searching for a functional or temporal order in the interdependent complexity of evolution is difficult. A selective pressure that would favour social intelligence would have inevitably favoured self intelligence, but the reverse pattern may equally be true. Social and self intelligence seem inextricably interwoven. Chimpanzees that have been reared in social isolation seem not to be able to recognize themselves in a mirror (Gallup, McClure, Hill & Bundy, 1971), but if one can recognize one's self in a mirror, every conspecific may, at least to a degree, appear to be a mirror image of one's self (Bischof, 1978). The ability to understand others and one's (past) self probably co-evolved. But whether or not one ability emerged merely as a by-product of the other remains debatable. Regardless of whether the origins of mental time travel into one's own past are adaptational or exaptational, once evolved, it provided the basis for a definition of one's personal identity. The imagination can be used to re-present and re-analyze the past and based on (or extrapolated from) this past it may also be used to pre-present change, was necessary for the evolution of a consciousness like ours (Ingvar, 1985;
  17. 17. Popper & Eccles, 1977), and has had a possibly metamorphotic impact on many and varied aspects of life. But another important ability is deeply involved in this evolutionary process. It is the most sophisticated tool humans have developed for reading the minds of others and expressing one's own: language. It is difficult to disentangle the evolutionary sequence of reading the minds of others, mental time travel and language. All appear to be interdependent. In ontogeny, early language training seems to precede the emergence of the other abilities and may indeed facilitate internal meta-representation and enhance narrative reconstruction of past episodes. However, there is a reason why language probably emerged late in the phylogenetic sequence. The crucial aspect of human language is its infinite flexibility (e.g. Corballis, 1991). In order to think or talk with infinite flexibility humans must have something of infinite flexibility to think or talk about. The ability to mentally travel in time may have provided just that, creating mental access to the virtually unlimited content of the fourth dimension and therefore an open-endedness of thought that required an open-endedness of language for adequate expression. Summary The question whether or not animals can mentally travel back into their own past cannot be answered directly, because in the absence of introspection or language we can infer only from observable behaviour what underlying mental mechanism may be involved. Animals can learn from single events, but this is not sufficient evidence for the existence of the ability to conjure up episodes of the past. Animals may have limited access to their past, not because they lack the necessary capacity to store information, but because of insufficient cognitive abilities. Remembering past episodes seems to involve active reconstructive processes. Memory representations appear not to be `marked' as memories; instead, their role needs to be inferred. Mental time travel into one's own past appears to require meta- representations and access to the content of one's own mind. Currently available data suggest that only the great apes have such mental capacities. The same picture emerges when one considers the interdependency between episodic memory and self- awareness: only the great apes (with the possible exception of gorillas) seem to be able to recognize themselves in a mirror. Monkeys fall short on both accounts, leaving the great apes as the most likely, if not only, candidates for potentially being able to mentally travel in time the way we do. Nevertheless, even the great apes may suffer cognitive limitations, especially with respect to `theory of mind', that may prevent mental time travel. "There is very little evidence that chimpanzees recognize a discrepancy between their own states of mind and the states of mind of others", write Cheney and Seyfarth (1990, p. 254). Chimpanzees' failure to solve tasks that demand the simultaneous representation of opposing-to-present states of mind (of knowledge and belief) may indicate that they are unable to represent their own past states of mind if those are opposed to their present ones. This also appears to be the case for children under the age of four. Only after this is overcome, may it be fully possible to travel mentally into one's own past. Drawing from simulation theory of mindreading (e.g. Harris, 1991), I suggested that mental time travel might be understood as a reconstruction of memory traces into episodes that takes place in the imagination of the individual. An ability to set aside the current state of mind would be necessary for the simulation of past episodes.
  18. 18. While chimpanzees seem to fulfil most cognitive prerequisites for mental simulation, they may not be able to escape the influence of the present mental state, which may hinder the establishment of a fully fledged episodic memory system. Further research may prove this wrong, but if not, and if Koehler (1917/1927) is right in his opinion that even chimpanzees' access to time is limited, then we might infer that mental time travel emerged after the phylogenetic split from apes, and was a critical factor in human evolution. Mental Time Travel into the Future In Greek mythology it was Prometheus who stole fire from heaven for the use of humans. "The name Prometheus literally means foresight, the ability to look ahead and in imagination to experience events that lie in the future" (Coan, 1987, p.44). So, according to the ancient Greeks, it was foresight that gave us some of the powers of the gods: the ability to see, to create, to control; the power that make us stand between the worlds of the animals and those of the gods. Does this ancient wisdom bear a grain of truth for the processes that determined the course of human evolution? Among the adaptative advantages of developing the ability to travel mentally into the past I briefly mentioned that this ability also provides the basis for the ability to look into the future. This might have been a crucial consequence indeed. Predicting the future is a fundamental human capacity that needs to be considered by any theory attempting to illuminate the reasons for the distinct impact our species has had on planet Earth. The most crucial questions we can ask, according to Humphrey, are: "Where have we come from? What are we? Where are we going? ... They are not really separate questions, but one big question taken in three bites. For only by understanding where we have come from can we make sense of what we are; only by understanding what we are can we make sense of where we are going" [Humphrey, 1986, p. 174]. The dependency of an understanding of future on an understanding of past and present is obvious: unlike the past and present, the future is a pure figment of our imagination. Mental states of past self and present others are attributed on the basis of actual stimuli (memory traces and perceptions), but attribution of future mental states is not a reaction to stimuli from the future, but is extrapolated from past and present. The same applies to representations of the world. The future has to be voluntarily imagined. Animals who lack the ability to reconstruct past episodes may also lack the ability to simulate future ones. The level of understanding past and present determines the possible level of understanding the future. Non-conscious effects of the past, as produced by classical conditioning, can result in same-level anticipations of future (e.g. Pavlov's dogs salivated before meat powder was present). Conscious awareness of past episodes, however, can result in an awareness of potential future episodes. Mental time travel into the future may be achieved through extrapolation from similar past episodes (prediction by analogy) or, more important for the understanding of humans' extraordinary impact on the world over the last 10,000 years, through the application
  19. 19. of semantic knowledge (prediction by theory) about the laws that govern nature. As with the development of mindreading and mental time travel into the past, the more abstract theory-based predictions may derive from the more basic ability to mentally simulate future episodes. `Instinctual' versus `Intelligent' Anticipatory Behaviour It is highly adaptive for an organism to be able to act not only in order to ensure present survival, but also in order to increase future survival chances. Anticipations have an apparent value for survival: if one knows what will happen one can act now in order to prevent harm or maximize profit. Anticipatory behaviour, however, can result from underlying mechanisms other than mental time travel (see also Appendix A). Learning (e.g. operant conditioning) is inherently prospective, but the future need not to be mentally represented by the individual. Similarly, insight-free instincts, such as hibernation, are another way organisms adapt a priori to recurring environmental changes (e.g. seasons) without the necessity for individual representation of future situations. Hibernators prepare for the winter even if they have not experienced that season before. The relatively inflexible anticipatory behaviour and its occurrence in only narrow contexts appears to distinguish what is labelled instinctual from what is labelled intelligent. However, this dichotomy may be another qualitative distinction that may be viewed as a metamorphosis deriving from mere gradual differences. Recently, Gibson (1990) has argued that intelligence and instinct may be viewed as the two ends of one continuum of `mental constructional ability'. Based on connectionist models of the interconnectivity to the degree of hierachicalization of behaviour and therefore to the degree of flexibility that determines how instinctual or intelligent behaviour appears to be. In this perspective, the relatively inflexible and context-specific anticipatory behaviours of relatively small-brained hibernators are at the one end of the continuum of mental constructional ability, while the flexible, context-independent mental time travels of adult humans represent the other end. The constructional capacity to mentally simulate, or `picture', future events seems not to be required for anticipatory behaviour such as the hoarding of nuts by squirrels. Even the apparently foresightful behaviour of satiated leopards wedging half-eaten carcases in a tree does not require the representation of future hunger and feast, because it is a typical behaviour for members of that species and evolved as an adaptive behaviour for specific circumstances (F. Reynolds, personal communication, June 19, 1993). Cheney and Seyfarth (1990) refer to a kind of "laser beam" intelligence that animals often display in a single domain but not in others. This inability to apply the knowledge possessed in one domain to contextually different problems might be due to an inaccessibility of the knowledge. It may be the awareness about knowledge, knowing that and what one knows - or in short, metacognition - that allows us to apply our knowledge to different domains in a flexible and generative manner (cf. Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990). The ability to form meta-representations of one's own knowledge might be a development at one end of Gibson's `mental constructional ability' continuum, like a metamorphosis, resulting in flexible behaviour of a qualitatively new kind. As mentioned earlier, evidence for some form of such second-order representations is as yet available only for the great apes (Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990; Suddendorf, 1993; Whiten & Byrne, 1991). Mental time travel, however, whether into the past or into the future, requires this ability. The use of one's imagination to mentally simulate future situations may require the
  20. 20. same, and perhaps even more, cognitive abilities as mental simulation of one's past. In contrast to monkeys, great apes have provided evidence for the advanced cognitive features of second-order representation, imagination of other possible worlds, self- awareness and mindreading (which all appear interlinked). Great apes may therefore have the basic cognitive capacities required for mental simulation. Instead of imagining what it was like (as in simulation of past episodes) or what it would be like (as in mindreading) the simulation process may also be used to answer what it will be like being in a future situation. As for the other two applications of the mental simulator, it appears necessary for the individual to detach from the current mental state in order to imagine other states (of others, past self or future self) that may be opposed to the present one. Mental simulation of the future may be restricted in chimpanzees by their seeming inability to represent opposing-to-present future mental states and, additionally, by their limited access to past experiences which may limit the ability to infer future states of the world and self. Despite these potential limitations, great apes' advanced cognitive abilities should allow for flexible problem solving with an eye to the future. In fact, Doehl (1970) showed that the chimpanzee Julia was able to look several steps ahead in a sequential problem-solving task. Julia had to choose between two keys in a transparent box which opened further boxes with keys until arriving at the final box containing either a food reward or nothing. Only by choosing the right key in the beginning was reward obtainable. Julia learned to act not by chance but by determining the route leading to the reward before choosing the initial key. Each trial was of course a different arrangement of keys and boxes so that simple chaining explanations can be ruled out. Julia was able to look five steps ahead in pursuit of her final goal. The different tool cultures of chimpanzees provide further examples of `forethought'. The chimpanzees at Gombe, for example, manufacture tools at one place to use them later for termite fishing at another place out of sight (Goodall, 1986). In that a branch is trimmed for use as a probe, such behaviour may be based on the high `mental constructional ability' of second-order representation. Whiten and Byrne (1991) argue that besides the primary perception of the branch as a branch, the individual has to generate a meta-representation of it as a probe. Similarly to these observations in the field, the experimental observation of Sultan's problem solving by insight (Koehler, 1917/1927; see above, p.28) seems to indicate that chimpanzees can use their imagination to mentally construct (`picture') possible future realities. Anticipating Near versus Remote Futures Despite this evidence for chimpanzees' capacity to imagine the future, Koehler (1917/1927) argued that it was restricted. He suggested that it is "of theoretical importance that the clearest consideration of a future event occurs when the anticipated event is a planned act of the animal itself" (Koehler, 1917/1927, p. 272). The reason for this has to do with the motivational connection between the animal at present and the anticipated event. Clearly, Sultan imagined `the future' as an attempt to get the bananas that could satisfy his present hunger. Similarly, Julia's performance was driven by her desire for the food reward and the Gombe chimpanzees' manufacture of sticks is motivated by an appetite for termites. However complex these anticipations are, they are concerned with a relatively near future. Koehler viewed this as the `dynamic essence of drive behaviour' and as belonging to the
  21. 21. present; the anticipations do not go beyond the actual context of one behavioural unit or gestalt. In other words, one could say that animals appear to be bound to the present. This notion is expressed in many writings about the restrictedness of animal thought compared with that of humans. Recently, Donald wrote for example that apes' "behavior, complex as it is, seems unreflective, concrete and situation bound" (Donald, 1991, p. 199). And Stebbins (1982) and Eccles (1989) refer to `time- binding', i.e. simultaneous access to past and future, as a unique human feature. Bischof (1978, 1985) and Bischof-Koehler (1985) make this point more explicit and, based on Koehler's (1917/1927) writings, suggest a limit to the extent to which animals can represent the future. They claim that animals cannot anticipate future needs or drive states and are therefore bound to a present that is defined by their current motivational state. Only humans, they argue, have acquired the ability to imagine a remote future that lies beyond the current needs. I will call this idea the Bischof-Koehler hypothesis (this name refers to all three researchers involved: Wolfgang Koehler (1917/1927), Norbert Bischof (1978; 1985) and Doris Bischof- Koehler (1985)). None of these authors provided a clear definition of drive or need, whether anticipated or current. They seem to rely on a common sense understanding of the terms. A review of the long debate about motivation, drives and needs goes beyond the scope of this paper. However, Bischof (1985) illustrates his point with the example of the homeostatic motive, thirst. When an animal is thirsty it tries to find a way to get something to drink: perception is focused on key stimuli that indicate access to water (e.g. certain plants that grow only close to lakes and rivers), memory is searched, and so on. To begin these procedures animals must first experience the thirst; humans need not. While a full-bellied lion is no threat to nearby zebras, a full- bellied human may well be. Clearly, humans anticipate future needs very often as expressed in that we collect (buy) food even if we are not hungry or in that we carry (possess) tools, even if we do not need them to satisfy any current needs, because we can anticipate their usefulness for the satisfaction of future needs. Business, for instance, is to a great extent dependent on anticipations of one's own and others' future needs. The Bischof-Koehler hypothesis appears to be consistent with the idea, outlined above, that animals may be unable to escape the influence of the present mental state. While chimpanzees fulfil most of the cognitive requirements necessary to use the setting aside their own current mental state in order to imagine opposing-to-present future (past) mental states. The emphasis that the Bischof-Koehler hypothesis places on the representation of future needs is justifiable. What adaptive advantage would there be in developing the capacity to imagine remote futures, if this forethought is conferred to serve only the present needs? If all one cares about is related to the current needs because one cannot imagine future ones (or cannot set aside the present one), what aid does one receive from imaginations of remote futures? Only if one can realize that one will have different future needs does it appear to make sense to invest in further capacities to represent aspects of remote futures. While many animals may have concurrent drives and needs with varying degrees of urgency, anticipating future needs appears to be special. This ability seems crucial for the evolution of `unlimited' mental time travel. However, chimpanzees appear to have problems with representing opposing-to- own mental states of knowledge and belief, but not necessarily with the attribution of contrary desires and intentions. Chimpanzees can attribute desires and intentions to others (Woodruff & Premack, 1978), but it is not clear if they can do so when these
  22. 22. states actually oppose their own current state. In order to demonstrate this, one might seek evidence that completely satiated chimpanzees, for example, can attribute hunger to others (but see also the experiment suggested in Appendix B). If chimpanzees can attribute opposing-to-present states of needs to others, then problems with setting aside the current state of needs could hardly account for the postulated inability to represent own future needs. Rather than being caused by an inability to simultaneously represent opposing (future) needs, chimpanzees' limited access to a remote future may be due to their limited access to their past. In order to mentally infer future states of the world and self, one has to extrapolate from one's knowledge of the past. The voluntary imagination of future needs evoked by an imagined remote future environment may demand more access to the past (e.g what environmental circumstances produce(d) what needs) than chimpanzees possess. Can Apes Travel Mentally into Remote Futures? Reviewing the Evidence Although Griffin (1978) pointed 15 years ago to the importance of acquiring knowledge about animals' sense of a remote future and urged cognitive ethologists to specifically study this realm, as yet little has been published on the topic. The few experimental investigations of animal forethought are generally concerned with the ability to anticipate near futures (e.g. Washburn & Rumbaugh, 1992). As yet we need to rely on anecdotal data in order to assess the validity of the Bischof-Koehler hypothesis. When Jane Goodall (1986) asked to what extent chimpanzees can plan ahead, she chose an example of a male chimpanzee called Satan: "[w]hen Satan followed a female in estrus until she nested, then slept close beside her, was he planning the early morning getaway? Or did he simply take advantage, each time, of the favorable circumstances he found himself in the morning?" (Goodall, 1986, p.588). No matter what the answer, it seems to be apparent that Satan, even if he had planned the situation, was acting according to his present sexual drive. The anecdote would therefore constitute a single, although extended, entity of `dynamic drive behaviour'; that is, it would still not extend into the `future' in Koehler's sense. Bischof (1985) points to a general evolutionary pattern progressively increasing the gap between drive and action. Great apes display quite extensive gaps. They are able to postpone the immediate enactment of their current drive, producing the intention to receive gratification at a future point in time. De Waal (1982), for example, reported an instance that took place in the Arnhem Zoo. The researchers hid grapefruits in the chimpanzee enclosure by burying them in sand. Once outside, the chimpanzees searched enthusiastically but unsuccessfully for the hidden treat, although several, including Dandy, passed over the spot. Only later in the afternoon did it become apparent that not all chimpanzees had failed to find the spot. Unnoticed by the others, Dandy went straight to the hiding place, dug up the fruits and enjoyed the treat having avoided competition. Other examples of this kind can be found in Byrne and Whiten's (1990) database of tactical deception in primates. However, while postponing the enactment of a current drive may be a necessary prerequisite and a step towards future-need anticipation and consideration, it is not equivalent. Chimpanzees have been observed carrying stones over long distances to open nuts at a place where no suitable `stone tools' can be found (Boesch & Boesch, 1984). However, even this extreme instance of apparent forethought seems to be induced by
  23. 23. the current drive. "What is imagined is the resonance of current needs in a future environment" (translated from Bischof, 1985, p. 541). The chimpanzees that pick up the stones and carry them seem to do this to satisfy the already present motive of having an appetite for these special nuts. Thus, it could be argued that the future environment can be anticipated, but only with the inducement of the current drive, which remains unchanged and outlines the instance as one behavioural unit. As yet, only one reported anecdote appears to suggest that chimpanzees may anticipate future needs: It is November and the days are becoming colder. On this particular morning Franje collects all the straw from her cage (subgoal) and takes it with her under her arm so that she can make a nice warm nest for herself outside (goal). Franje does not do this in reaction to the cold, but before she can have actually felt how cold it is outside. [de Waal, 1982, p.192] Apparently, the chimpanzee Franje anticipated the future coldness and the resulting future desire or need for warmth. But since the above citation is the entire information published about this case, many question marks remain. As with many other anecdotes, alternative, more parsimonious, explanations cannot be ruled out and are indeed plausible. Experimental research is needed (in Appendix B I propose a possible experimental paradigm). A single anecdote, in contrast to a single proven case, cannot falsify the Bischof-Koehler hypothesis, i.e. that animals are present or situation-bound because they cannot anticipate own future needs. However, absence of evidence for future-need anticipations in animals is not equivalent to evidence for absence. The Bischof-Koehler hypothesis appears to be congruent with our current knowledge about animals (see Appendix A for the results of a survey of animal foresight). But the Zeitgeist of science in the first 70 years of this century did not allow much anecdotal evidence for animal intelligence (such as forethought) to surface and experimental studies did not focus on `mentalist' concepts. While the widespread and relatively uncritical use of anecdotes led 19th-century scientists to radically overestimate the mentality of animals (Lindsay, 1880, for example, concluded that animals engage in criminal activities and commit suicide, cited in Bernstein, 1988), most 20th-century scientists appear to have made the systematic bias of underestimating animals' cognitive capacities. `Lloyd Morgan's canon' destroyed the acceptability of the anecdotal method and the emergence of `the principle of parsimony' demanded that one should attribute the behaviour of an animal to no higher, or more complex, level of mental ability than is strictly necessary. It remains debatable, however, whether our decision about what constitutes higher and what constitutes lower is correct (cf. Griffin, 1981; Suddendorf, 1993). To find data that could potentially falsify the Bischof-Koehler hypothesis among the database deriving from this period appears unlikely even on a priori grounds. However, the research climate is changing. Speculations about the evolution of mental abilities in recent studies (e.g. Cheney and Seyfarth's study on vervet monkeys) seem to place more emphasis on what level of mental ability is optimal rather than what level is minimal (Figueredo, 1992). And the anecdotal method has been successfully reintroduced for studying primate deception (Whiten & Byrne, 1988; Byrne & Whiten, 1990, 1992), a phenomenon completely ignored under the earlier paradigm. Instead of naive overestimation of animal mentality without experimental evidence and instead of underestimation of animal mentality by depriving us of valuable anecdotes (the phenomenon of infanticide, despite its social and evolutionary
  24. 24. importance, was unrecognized until anecdotes were `accepted'), we now seem to be entering a phase of more balanced inquiry. Experimental studies have shown many advanced mental abilities to exist in animals (see above, p.2, 3, 15-19) and systematic gathering of anecdotal observations enriches the realms of further inquiry (see Appendix A). Before discussing the adaptive advantages of mental time travel into the future yet another type of apparent forethought needs to be mentioned. It often happens that human beings discover the goals of their behaviour only in retrospect. During adolescence, for example, we stand up against our parents, provoking and challenging them. Later we may explain this behaviour by saying, `I wanted my independence', but remember that we did not start the generation conflict with this motive explicitly in mind. It was an unnamed, unconscious motive. [de Waal, 1982, p.193] De Waal put forward this example as a possible explanation for the strategic intelligence displayed by the ex-alpha male Yeroen of the Arnhem chimpanzee colony. After losing his alpha position to Luit, Yeroen cooperated with the third male Nikkie which eventually brought Yeroen, as Nikkie's right hand, back to power. This success occurred months later after being initially negative. Not all behaviour that turns out to be smart in retrospect was necessarily intended with the future goal in mind. Similar explanations could account for apparently forethoughtful behaviour such as the acquisition of mental maps for future use. Gorillas and chimpanzees seem to acquire an extensive knowledge about their territory, permitting the individual to take the shortest route to desired fruiting trees or, in the case of chimpanzees of the Tai forest, to stones for opening nuts (C.E.G. Tutin, personal communication, June 25, 1993; Boesch & Boesch, 1984). Whether this knowledge is acquired with intention, that is, having in mind the usefulness of this knowledge for the future, is questionable, however. Many animals learn more than would be actually necessary for current demands. Learning as such is inextricably interwoven with control and anticipation15. Information is stored for future use. Indeed, animals may store information for future use only; not for the reconstruction of the past (see above, p.7- 36). It is a well known fact that rats, for example, learn where food is hidden in a maze even if they are not hungry. Being hungry a day later, they go straight to the food when being put into the maze. This so-called latent learning requires that the rats have acquired a mental map for potential future use. There is no reason, however, to assume that the rats have mentally travelled into the future, anticipated the potential future hunger and decided that it is worth remembering where the food was placed. Neither is there evidence that the mental maps acquired by apes require such forethoughtful mental processes. In spite of their advanced mental capacities, chimpanzees have as yet not provided evidence for awareness about remote futures (cf. Appendix A). It may therefore be conjectured that only humans can mentally travel in time in a virtually unlimited way.
  25. 25. Why Travel Mentally into the Future? As outlined in the previous sections, organisms evolved a variety of means to enable them to act in ways that increase future fitness. Mostly innate, species- and domain-specific, anticipatory behaviour and basically all forms of memory and learning are of this kind. While all great apes may have developed the mental constructional ability to meta-represent their own knowledge, i.e. to know what they know, only humans may have discovered a new dimension of knowledge (time) that they are aware of. What adaptive advantage could it have to evolve mental time travel into the future additionally to the phylogenetic older forms of `considering' the future? In the following I will only touch on some of the crucial consequences. Outstanding among those potential advantages is the individual flexibility of anticipations and the consequential increased degree of flexibility and generativity of behaviour. In contrast to phylogenetic earlier mechanisms, mental representation of possible futures allows for anticipation of virtually anything and for flexible adaptation of current behaviour in consideration of this future. The fitness of this new mechanism depends mainly on the accuracy of relevant mental predictions. Mental simulation of likely futures can be achieved by extrapolating similar past episodes, by generating and applying heuristics and, at perhaps the most sophisticated and recent level, by induction or deduction of actual theories about the world (including the mind). In short, it depends on one's access to the past and the knowledge one has been able to extract about the `laws' of nature, such as causal relations. The immediate fitness value of mental time travels into the future is the increased degree of flexibility in the ability to act now for the future. Once on this phylogenetic track, strong selective pressure favours better anticipation of the future, i.e. better acquisition of experience and knowledge and its utilization for prediction, and better manipulation of the future (see below). In this process, behaviour became more and more dependent on what is mentally represented. Apes may to some degree read the minds of others in order to predict and manipulate behaviour, but for humans, with their mental access to time, this becomes essential. Although the behaviourists tried, human behaviour can often not be understood or predicted without considering what is on the individual's mind. In particular, one has to take into account that human behaviour can be driven by intentions that derive from mentally represented goals that lie in the remote future, well beyond the satisfaction of the current needs. Understanding and prediction of human behaviour is further hampered by the obscure complexity of the not-directly- observable mental world of social interaction. A far more sophisticated `Machiavellian intelligence' emerged to deal with these problems: a narrative mind able to understand and predict the world in an event-filled rather than abstract time (cf. Carrithers, 1991). First of all, however, new mechanisms of motivation must have emerged with mental time travel. Classic theories of motivation, generalized to animals and humans, emphasized innate forces and learned stimulus-dependent factors. With mental time travel into remote futures humans acquired a quite different set of influential factors. The anticipation of future needs, as pointed out above, might have been a milestone in evolution. Simulating future environment-need constellations (e.g. a dry area will evoke thirst) can affect current motivation and behaviour (e.g. one may decide to carry water when walking into a particular area) even when this is contradictory to the present environment-need constellation (e.g. plenty of water and no thirst) (cf.
  26. 26. Bischof, 1985). With mental time travel into the future a third component of motivation needs to be considered because imagined future needs can be converted into current motivators. Long-term goals can be generated and current behaviour can be adjusted to serve these aims. To make these processes functional within the cognitive apparatus, I postulate the emergence of a cognitive motive organizer, or CMO, which fulfils two phylogenetically new tasks: (1) to represent most likely and significant anticipations and/or remember relevant earlier anticipations (cf. `memory of the future', Ingvar, 1985) and (2) to evaluate and coordinate these anticipations and the current environment-need constellation. New and differentially weighted motives can be generated and complexly organized. In recent years motivation theorists have come to appreciate the importance of humans' concern about the future. Bandura (1991) summarized those studies and theories of motivation that include cognitive motivators (expectancy-value, goal and attribution theory). He concluded that "[c]ognitive regulation of motivation relies extensively on an anticipatory proactive system rather than simply on a reactive negative feedback system" (Bandura, 1991, p.150). Earlier he pointed out that "even in the so-called biological motivators, human behavior is extensively activated and regulated by anticipatory and generative cognitive mechanisms rather than simply impelled by biological urges" (Bandura, 1991, p.70). This proactive anticipatory system, or CMO, demands an executive and decision- making authority. This may be the origins of what we believe to be our `freedom of will'. Our intentions, motives and goals appear, at least to a degree, to be up to us. Animal behaviour is driven by innate, learned or homoeostatic factors which may not be under the voluntary control of the individual because the organism cannot represent alternative future drives. In contrast, the CMO allows humans to alter and even create new motives based on access to the future. Individuals became responsible for their own drive management16. An intrinsic by-product of this new element of choice is that one may be `wrong' in one's decisions. This, of course, is the fundamental basis of morality. Instead of being driven, humans can put themselves in the driver's seat, having to take responsibility for their own intentions and actions. Nature let one of its creatures off the leash, as it were. However, perceived control, whether the control is real or not, is a dimension of reinforcement for humans and animals. But mental time travel results in a new kind of potential control over one's own destiny. This refers not only to one's intentions and goals but also to one's influence upon the future. Humans must have inevitably learned that their future anticipations are based on guesses and inferences, not on clairvoyance. On the one hand, better predictions may be achieved through greater knowledge, but on the other hand they may also be achieved through greater control of the future. Attempting to direct the future through proactive manipulation appears to be a natural consequence of an awareness about possible futures. The perceived control may be achieved through `religious' or `natural' technologies (see Festinger, 1983)17. The required generativity and flexibility, perhaps underlying both technology and language (Corballis, 1991; Greenfield, 1991), could only have been achieved through mental access to the infinite content of the dimension of time. All these processes that I have touched on are, of course, far more complex than could thoroughly be discussed in this paper and involve many factors that are multidimensionally interconnected (see also Bischof, 1985; Suddendorf, 1992). However, it should have become clear that our awareness of time is deeply involved in many crucial human developments. The scientific neglect of this important human capacity needs to be overcome if we ever want to understand our nature, our evolution
  27. 27. and our development. A final important consequence remains to be discussed, which will clearly illustrate the importance of our awareness of time for ourselves. As Humphrey (1986) pointed out, the crucial questions of where we come from, what we are and where we are going are essentially one. Only with an awareness about time can we ask these questions and perhaps find answers, through which we can define our personal identity. In addition to the self-awareness displayed at present in other great apes, humans can form a concept of self over time. Although fundamental psychological and physical changes take place in our individual development from infancy to old age our capacity for mental time travel allows us to view any of these stages as part of our personal identity. Furthermore, this self experiences a certain control over its own drive management, by being the authority that is making decisions about goals and, if necessary, even about overriding the basic instincts (e.g. hunger in strike or fasting) in pursuit of these goals. Our impression of `freedom of will' and our personal identity over time are consequences of mental time travel that have profoundly affected the human ego. Mental time travel into an unrestrictedly remote future must have confronted humans with what according to Freud is the most frightening of all conceivable facts: one's inevitable death. The perception of continuity of one's personal identity over time might have resulted in the belief in a continuing identity after death: a continuing `soul', whether in heaven or hell, in this world or another, in the same body or in a different one. This belief may be applied, not only to those who can form such mental concepts (i.e. humans; discontinuity philosophy), but also to those who cannot (i.e. all living beings; continuity philosophy). To deal with the insecurity and lack of control about one's destiny after death, socially shared after-life concepts may have emerged: the core of religions. Goals and needs that lie beyond one's own lifetime were anticipated. The ancient Egyptians or Chinese, for example, believed in the after-life need for goods while people who believe in heaven and hell may anticipate the need to have a `clean slate'. Current life became strongly affected by the answers to the inevitable questions mental time travel provoked. I agree with Gould (1991) that a single exaptive argument for the origin of religions cannot explain all multifaced and complex aspects of the evolution of these institutions, but the emergence of the ability to become aware about time and one's personal future surely played a fundamental role. When human's mental horizon broadened by the dimension of time, the course of human evolution changed significantly. Changes in behaviour, cognition, motivation and emotion must have taken place, justifying the simplifying label `prime mover'. When did Mental Time Travel Emerge? In order to investigate the history of a living organism or of some of its characteristics, one can use information about currently living species and about remains and artifacts from the past. Recent advances in genetics have changed our concept about the relationship of today's species. In particular for many it was surprising that, in spite of the apparent differences, humans and chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes) seem to be genetically more closely related than chimpanzees and gorillas (Gorilla gorilla) (Miyamoto, Slightom & Goodman, 1987; Gibbons, 1990)18. The common ancestors of humans and chimpanzees lived about 5 to 8 million years ago. Since the human-ape branch grew out of the primate tree some 30 million years ago, humans share about 22-25 million years of evolution with chimpanzees that
  28. 28. humans and chimps do not share with monkeys. It should therefore not surprise that in many respects chimpanzees differ more from monkeys than they differ from us. However, the reviewed evidence suggests that chimpanzees do not share the apparently important human capacity of unrestricted mental time travel and one may therefore conjecture that this characteristic developed after the phylogenetic split from chimpanzees19. What evidence do we have about the emergence of mental time travel in the last 5 to 8 million years of evolution? The archaeological record provides us only with limited and selected information about human evolution. Important cognitive developments, such as mental time travel, often do not manifest in physical evidence. We are therefore likely to commit type II errors in our archaeological analysis; that is, we are likely to accept the null hypothesis that our forebears did not possess some cognitive ability when in fact they did. Conversely, the likelihood of committing type I errors, i.e. to reject the null hypothesis and accept the hypothesis that some cognitive ability was present, even though it was not, is reduced. However, type I errors are also likely because of possible misinterpretations of the few data that we have. With these considerations in mind, let us now consider the evidence for mental time travel in our ancestors. Stone tools - perhaps merely due to their durability - are the oldest known artifacts and have often been viewed as the earliest evidence for real humans (this is why Leakey labelled the 1.8-million-year-old body remains `Homo habilis' or `handy man' in contrast to the australopithecines). However, the oldest stone tools, the so-called Oldowan tools (datings vary from 2.4 to 1.6 million years old), associated with Homo habilis20, seem to be within the competence of modern chimpanzees (Wynn & McGrew, 1989; see also Toth et al., 1993) and the stone tool culture of tai chimpanzees (e.g. Boesch & Boesch, 1984), although not involving manufacture of stone tools, has been evaluated as representing a similar state of development (Wynn & McGrew, 1989). The production of an Oldowan tool may require some mental picture of the finished product and the use to which it will be put, but is not convincing evidence for mental time travel beyond the current needs because it might have been manufactured merely as a means to satisfy a current drive (just as appears to be the case for the tai chimpanzees). Although we may commit a type II error, current evidence does not support the idea that mental time travel beyond the current drive was present in H. habilis, even though the capacity to think ahead might have improved. Evidence for mental time travel into a remote future is more convincing for Homo erectus. With the emergence of H. erectus (about 1.6 million years ago) a more sophisticated, so-called Acheulian, tool culture occurred. One of these tools was the biface handaxe whose production included a somewhat symmetrical removing of flakes from two sides of the stone core so that the tool became sharper and more pointed. The manufacture of costly bifacial stone tools leads one to assume that they were not intended for one time use only, but were kept for future use, which would imply that the manufacturer has anticipated future needs for which this tool might be helpful. In turn, the anticipation of multiple future uses could have been an incentive for the more time-consuming manufacture of more sophisticated, versatile and long- lasting tools. However, H. erectus' Acheulian tool kit showed little further refinement for over a million years. Perhaps H. erectus represents an intermediate stage of the evolution of mental time travel, in that simulation of future and past episodes was possible, but the generation of abstract semantic concepts and theories from this knowledge was still in its infancy (see table 1. above). The earliest evidence for a consequential increase in flexibility and generativity is

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