The role of the media in kenya
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The role of the media in kenya The role of the media in kenya Document Transcript

  • The role of the media in KenyaIntroductionThe modern media in Kenya was started by the Missionaries and the British settlers. The earlyexamples included the Taveta Chronicle which was published by Rev. Robert Stegal of theChurch Missionary Society in 1895. It was circulated among Europeans and interested persons inEngland. It was later followed in 1899 by the Leader of the British East Africa Company andUganda Mail which was published in Mombasa. The basic objective of these papers was toprovide information for the missionaries and settlers of news that came from home (England).Secondly, the media at this time was used as a “device to maintain the status quo" bylegitimizing the rights of the colonial masters to rule Kenya.Media provided a channel for social communication among the settlers in Kenya from differentparts of the country. Radio was also started in 1928 to play the same kind of roles. The Asianslater ventured into the business of ownership of some sections of the media. Their main reasonwas to use the media to legitimize their second place to the whites in Kenya. The Africans on theother hand, later venture into the media ownership basically to use the media as tools for puttingacross their demands for freedom, justice and equality. After the second world war in particular,many aspiring political leaders used the indigenous press to built and cement politicalorganizations. These were essentially agitation which made them crucial in the realization ofindependence goals.Brief history since independenceAfter independence in 1963, similar patterns of media ownership and development continued asthey were under the colonial rule. For example, the independent African government entered theshoes of the colonial rulers. These governments had full control of the electronic media rununder the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting headed by a Minister appointed by thePresident. Its other departments were, The Kenya Broadcasting Corporation and the Kenya NewsAgency.Currently, the ruling party also owns and runs a partly Daily Newspaper, the KenyaTimes and a television station. Their overall objective is to inform, educate, entertain and topropagate all that consolidates "national unity, peace and stability in Kenya". They are 1
  • essentially therefore, government communications organs fully controlled by the government ofthe day.The second type of media in Kenya includes the privately owned dailies such as the NationGroup of Newspapers and the Standard.These privately owned dailies are fairly autonomous intheir editorial policy and have a strong financial base built for a long time before and afterindependence. They are, however, not immune from governmental controls which take the formof political representations to the owners and threats to sue through courts of law.The third category of the media in Kenya are the more venerable group indigenous magazinesand weeklies such as the Weekly Review, Finance, The Nairobi Law Monthly, Parents, and Step.This category depends on the good will of the government of the day as their capital base isweak. They have less circulation confined mainly to most urban centres and consequently do notdraw a great deal of commercial advertising from the seemingly saturated small readershipmarket in the urban centres of Kenya.The political transition from British colony to independent country was mirrored by changes inthe mass media in Kenya. According to Abuoga et, al (2002) In 1963 when Kenya becameindependent the vast majority of broadcasts on government-owned radio and television stationswere imported British and American programmers, but this was set to change. Kenyan culturewas promoted via the mass media under the presidency of Jomo Kenyatta as more programmedwere broadcast in Swahili and there was a focus on African music and dance. Likewise,newspapers covered more African traditions and culture. The press later suffered underKenyatta’s successor Daniel Arap Moi and his one-party state, which was written into theconstitution in 1982. A clampdown on journalists led to arrests and imprisonment as stateofficials were worried about the media challenging the government.According to Abuoga et,al (2002), The scene changed and the press expanded marked with thebirth of multi-party politics in 1992, which was a response to pressure from Kenyan activists andthe international community. The daily newspaper market increased to four when the PeopleDaily was set up and the alternative press -commonly called the gutter press- also emerged.Harsh criticism of the state by the press went hand-in-hand with the emergence of oppositionpolitics and this environment was a far cry from the conformist media of the earlier era. Yet 2
  • journalists were still intimidated, threatened and imprisoned by the government and in May 2002a new unpopular media bill was passed. It required publishers to purchase a bond for 1millionKenyan shillings (£6,900) before publishing. The move scared off a number of small timepublishers, especially in the magazine sector, as they could not afford the bond.The Kenyan press facing uncertaintyMedia in Kenya was a diverse and vibrant growing industry which faces an uncertain future.Abuoga et,al (2002) It includes four major daily newspapers, more than 20 FM radio stations andthe Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) - the only nationwide broadcaster. Relationsbetween the mass media and the Kenyan government are tense and the question of controllingthese outlets is controversial. Minister for Information and Communication, Raphael Tuju,wanted to introduce a Media Bill to regulate the media against irresponsible reporting, yet mediaowners and the Kenya Union of Journalists (KUJ) are against this and favor self-regulation. Theoutcome of this argument will have far-reaching implications for the press and thegovernment.Another important issue for the future of the press is the extensive cross-mediaownership in Kenya, with certain media houses owning newspapers, television stations and radiostations. Questions should be asked about the motives of media owners with political andbusiness interests and the concentration of media outlets in politically influential hands is a threatto the objectivity of the press.PressThere are four major daily newspapers in Kenya:* The Daily Nation - established in 1960 and published by the Nation Media Group (NMG). Thepaper was seen as the champion of the people during the rule of former Kenyan President DanielArap Moi and was now regarded as leaning towards the NARC government.The NMG also owns Nation TV , radio and The East African - a regional weekly paper with itscore market in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. NMG was the largest media house in Eastern andCentral Africa.* The Standard (formerly the East African Standard) - established in 1902. Nowadays TheStandard is the main critic of government policies. It is owned by a group of businessmen 3 View slide
  • associated with the former Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi.* People Daily - established in 1992. It is owned by the opposition politician Kenneth Matiba.* Kenya Times - established in 1983 by the KANU party - the party of former Kenyan PresidentDaniel Arap Moi.BroadcastingThe Kenyan Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) is the largest broadcasting organization in Kenya,the only service with nationwide coverage and it is owned by the government. According toAbuoga et ,al (2002) It is a public broadcaster which is controlled by the state. It used to be paidfor by taxpayers, but now generates its own revenue through advertising. KBC’s aim is toinform, educate and entertain and its work includes increasing the understanding of thegovernment’s development strategies. It operates radio and television stations and its previouslygenerally uncritical view of the government has been replaced by a more balanced approach. TheKBC was formed in 1961 and in 1964 it was nationalized under an Act of Parliament to becomethe Voice of Kenya. In 1989 its name was changed back to the KBC after another Act ofParliament.RadioRadio is the most influential form of media in Kenya as radios can be found in very remoteareas, unlike televisions which are concentrated in urban areas and watched by the wealthy withtheir satellite dishes. There are more than 20 FM radio stations and certain stations air obscenelanguage. As the radio market is now saturated, radio stations are no longer attractive as aninvestment.Stations operate mainly in Nairobi and its surrounding areas. The broadcasts of most commercialradio stations are made up of light entertainment, including talk shows, phone-ins and music.Kiss FM follows this light entertainment format and is very popular with the youngTelevision* National broadcaster KBC -described above under broadcasting- provides KBC Channel 1, PayTelevision Channel 2 and Entertainment Metro Television Channel 31. 4 View slide
  • * Nation TV is owned by NMG -the same owners of the Daily Nation and The East Africannewspapers- and began broadcasting in 1999.* Kenya Television Network (KTN) became the first private TV station in Kenya when it wasallowed to broadcast in Nairobi in 1989. It is owned by the group which runs The Standardnewspaper - a group of businessmen associated with the former Kenyan President Daniel ArapMoi.* Citizen TV is owned by business magnate Samuel Macharia - a pro-government figure.The Media and Multi-Party Politics in KenyaAccording to Abuoga et ,al (2002) the roles and functions of the media in any society will bedetermined by both the internal and external situations in different societies. But what was mostcrucial was the nature of the political system and the nature of government in power at aparticular time. For example, the Medias roles and functions under liberal political systems likethose of the West will substantially differ from those under authoritarian regimes like many ofthe African and other Third World countries. Secondly, it is clear that most of the media inAfrica, Kenya included, fail to embrace in totality the libertarian norms of the press. Lule (1985),for example, argues that the news values of the Third World are broad and varied, due to thegreat diversity of Third World countries. In effect, therefore, some media institutions in Africause the western news value yardstick as human interest, proximity, conflict, unusual events,personality and education to determine what to deal with. At the same time the media in Africaand Kenya for example, are increasingly used by governments as channels for the propagation ofthe countries ideological stand on particular matters as well as being used as channels todisseminate the ruling party matters. The latter two are the functional roles of the media underauthoritarian regimes.Fleur and Mehrtn (2002) It is against the above background in relation to the nature of thepolitical system in Kenya now and the countrys historical development of the media and itsrelations with government that provides us with the basis to analyze press freedom and the roleof the media in Kenya. There is no doubt, for example, that the media has a critical role to playunder multi-party politics in Kenya. Indeed the media have been in the forefront, especially theprint media, in sensitizing the Kenyan population on the virtues of a democratic system. At times 5
  • they have done so against the wishes of the government of the day. Political education by theprint media especially after the repeal of section (2A) of the Kenyan constitution in 1991 thatmade Kenya once again a multi-party democracy, went a long way in preparing the Kenyanpopulation on what it means to belong to different parties in one country and the significance ofthe individuals right to vote.According to Abuoga et,al (2002) the O.A.U. Secretary General, Salim Ahmed argues that themedia in Africa have a crucial role to play in the continents pursuit of political and economicjustice and peace at both national and international levels. Similarly, the late Paul V. Ansah(1992), like Salim, argues that the media have a key role to play in the political, economic, socialand cultural transformation of the society. For example, the media, he argues, have a crucial roleto play in the promotion of democracy and development in Africa, more so in nations likeKenya, which have for along time been under single party rule. Ansah argues further that for thisrole to be achieved, the media in Africa must provide a forum for collective discussion andevaluation of options to enable the public to arrive at well considered decisions. Furthermore, thewatchdog role of the media where the media plays a checkpoint role to the excesses of thegovernment needs to be an integral part of the functions of the media, mores in Kenya under themulti-party politics. According to Ansah (1992), the role of the media has been enhanced by thecurrent realization that the old paradigms of development that tended to equate development withmodernization are wanting. This approach was characterized by the "diffusion of innovations"and the "extension" of knowledge and service from the change agents to the people. In thiscontext the role of communication was to transfer knowledge or technological innovations fromchange agents to recipients and thus create a climate for an appetite for change among the peoplestriving towards development. This kind of approach has now been found to be elitist, top-downand paternalistic to the extent that it excluded people from participation in the planning andimplementation of the desired development programmed. The currently desired approach, whichis human and people-centered, presupposes the placing of confidence in the peoples ability todiscern and define their own needs and to learn to do things for themselves. This approach,argues Ansah (1992), places greater emphasis on the significance of the medias role in the wholequestion of development.He quotes the position of Carmen on communication, who wrote that: 6
  • The essence of this position is the fact that there are critical linkages between communicationand development of the people, since proper communication processes empower people inmaking rational decisions. The media in Africa and many other parts of the developing worldcontinues to play critical roles in the promotion of better health for children and the promotion ofvarious sound environmental programmed. For example, UNICEF has continued to popularizethe concept of social mobilization and advocacy under her various child survivals, protection anddevelopment programmed in many developing countries such as Kenya. Under theseprogrammers the use of Oral Rehydration Therapy (ORT) and the Expanded Programmed onImmunization (EPI) have been extensively promoted by the media by encouraging their use, aswell as the promotion of collective participation of governments, communities and various socialorganizations down to local communities. This has led to a very significant reduction of infantmortality and increased levels of commitment to child survival by various governments in Africaand by the African people. Similarly, it is generally accepted now that the various mediainstitutions in different parts of the world are best placed mediums of communication that couldput environmental agenda at the "global stage" on a continuous basis. This is based on theunderstanding that humankinds quest for development must not endanger the environment to theextent, therefore, that scholars like Opubour (1993) argue that the media must continue toemphasize the significance of sustainable development as development that "meets the needs ofthe present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs".ROLE OF MEDIAThe role of the media in development has also been discussed by scholars like Parker andMohammad under the specific component of development support communication. The twoposition that the early works of scholars like Schramm (1964) on the relationship betweencommunication and development focused on the messages of the mass media and how theycould be utilized to create a sense of national identity, foster attitudes favorable tomodernization, fulfill goals of campaigns such as those of family planning, disease prevention oragricultural development projects. However, they argue that through development supportcommunication, the mode of communication chosen will support the development goals of aparticular nation. Besides, the goals of development support communication are of necessitydependent on the specific development plans that they are expected to support. Their central 7
  • thesis, however, is the contention that development support communication needs to be built onsome fundamental basic goals. Various goals of development support communication arepertinent in our context. Development support communication needs to be based on thefollowing goals linked to development:(1) Determine the needs of the people and give political credibility to the expression of thoseneeds. In other words, provide sufficient citizen access to communication systems to serve aseffective feedback to the government concerning its development goals and plans.(2) Provide horizontal and vertical communication linkages at all levels of society. In otherwords, much more than a one-way broadcast communication system with feedback channel isrequired. Furthermore there must be communication channels through which people at all levelsof society and in all regions and localities have the capacity to communicate with each other.(3) Provide local community support for cultural preservation; that goes beyond the culturalpreservation through events and entertainment on national radio and television which are seen asnot enough. What is desired is the requirement that local media and local support mechanismsare required in addition to the encouragement implicit in national recognition.(4) Raise peoples awareness of development projects and opportunities.(5) Help to foster attitudes and motivation that contribute to development.(6) Provide relevant information on jobs and vocational information and consumer information.(7) support economic development through industrial linkages, for example, electronicsindustry, computer industry, printing and performing arts.(8) Provide support for specific development projects and social services, including health caredelivery, agricultural or vocational skills training, public health and sanitation of family projects.It is noted however, that there could be variations to the above themes as development supportcommunication strategy tends to be linked to specific development goals of a particulardeveloping country in so far as that countrys development plans may go. 8
  • Factors limiting Press Freedom _ the Roles and Functions of the Media in Kenya In the African context, one key area where the role of the media is most crucial (Ansah, 1992)is in the expected contribution of the media to the process of establishing open, democratic andstable societies. But this resides in the medias ability to expose and criticize bureaucraticincompetence, corruption, abuse of power and the violation of human rights. Ansah adopts theposition that the mass media constitutes the institutional framework for exercising a regularscrutiny on the activities of the government to see how performance matches promise or howprogrammed are being implemented. In a democratic society, actions of the government, whichis only a trustee of the collective will and power of the people, are expected to be regulated bythe force of public opinion and the press is the most appropriate medium for gauging reflectingpublic opinion. The position of Ansah and the now widely-accepted conceptualization of development thatputs a premium on the human factor, human dignity and active participation of the people in thedevelopment process, according to Kwame and Boafo (2002) , can neither be fully generated noractively promoted without communication means and access. In recognition of this central roleof the media in human oriented development process, Sevigne has observed that: But despitethese fundamental roles of the media in Africa, Kenya included, a number of obstacles still standin their way, seriously and negatively impacting on their roles. These are political problems,economic and financial problems, infrastructural problems, human resource and trainingproblems. For example, Boafo (2002) argues that predominant patterns of state ownership,management and control of the media in many African countries provide little leeway for thefree access to information for the media and the expression of critical or opposing viewpoints.African constitutions contain clauses on freedom of speech or expression, few have explicitguarantees of media or press freedom and free flow of information. He goes on to add that theexcessive political, legal and extra-legal constraints on the media in Africa have a debilitatingimpact to the extent that these measures undermine the capacity of the media to appropriatelyand effectively fulfill their functions in building democratic societies and protecting and 9
  • defending basic human rights of the people. He cites two basic reasons advanced by Opubor(1993) and Nwenuli that has been responsible for the failure of African governments tospecifically guarantee the freedom of the press in their constitutions as over-sensitivity tocriticism and fear of providing constitutional legitimacy criticism; and the desire to make itpossible for governments to disseminate only what they consider essential information formobilizing the people for development. The other factor that is to limit the functions and roles of the media in Africa is their fragilefinancial base. Most African governments, Kenya included, have been faced by criticaldiminishing financial resources, foreign debt burden as well as the deteriorating low standards ofliving since the oil crisis of the 1970s. These have affected the operations of the mass media asthe hard currency required for the acquisition of machinery, raw materials, technical inputs andnewsprint have increasingly continued to diminish with serious consequences on the diversityand growth of the mass media. Also of significance is the problem of poor infrastructure asrelates to the geographical patterns and linguistic diversity in Africa which tends to limit themedias ability to disseminate information and stimulate peoples levels of participation.Similarly, the apparent earth of expertise and trained personnel still limits the media performancein Kenya and other parts of Africa.Evidence in Kenya supports the arguments advanced by Boafo. The late G.K. Rukwaro (1992)argued that in so far as the Constitution of Kenya is concerned it does not guarantee freedom ofthe press. The law merely guarantees freedom of speech to all persons. In effect, the media inKenya does not enjoy constitutional protection any more than a person in Kenya. Of criticalconcern, according to Rukwaro, is the major flaw in the constitution as this freedom can bederogated on so many grounds that at the end of the day one is left in doubt as to what freedomone has. In other words, Kenya, unlike the U.S., has not embodied the concepts of press freedomin her fundamental laws. The effect of this omission means that the role of the media under thecurrent multiparty politics in Kenya is being seriously hampered through ambiguous lawsrelating to the freedom of the media and the freedom with which they may be able to deal withthe various political, economic, cultural and social issues. Other limiting laws in the Kenyancontext is the penal code, and the sedition and criminal libel which have very broad limitationson the free functions of the media. Furthermore, there is also the question of direct political 10
  • interference with the activities of the media. For example, according to a 1992 report of a NewYork based committee to protect journalists, a number of journalists and their publications havebeen frequently harassed, intimidated or interrogated by the government security personnel. Thegovernment took exceptions to these publications for publishing what was seen as denunciationsof the ruling party KANU, reports on sensitive issues like corruption and human rights violationsand ethnic clashes in some parts of Kenya.It is therefore important that these kind of actions be understood as undermining both the pressfreedom and some of the basic 30democratic principles of tolerance and acceptance ofconstructive descent. Furthermore such actions run contrary to the basic human rights recognizedby the General Assembly of the United Nations as documented in the Universal Declaration ofHuman Rights of 1948. Other countries in Africa have equally been against press freedom. Forexample, in South Africa, journalists gained latitude after the lifting of the state of emergency in1991. However, journalists find themselves endangered by factional violence while coveringrallies or township violence often instigated by supporters of opposing political parties. In WestAfrica, at least eight francophone newspapers were closed for allegedly failing to comply withpress laws. In Liberia, journalists are targeted by all sides in the civil war; while in Malawi, somejournalists have either been detained or fired for writing critical editorials. Similar harassmentshave been recorded in other countries such as Angola, Rwanda, Somalia, Togo, Zaire and IvoryCoast.Recent developments and the media todayA much freer press was expected with the election of the NARC (National Rainbow Coalition) inDecember 2002. But the new government, which ended almost 40 years of KANU (KenyaAfrica National Union) rule, has not repealed the heavily criticised 2002 media bill and it plansto introduce another media bill to regulate the media. A total of 250 libel cases against journalistsare still pending under the penal code. Under this criminal law individuals, rather than publishinghouses, are prosecuted. One such case against a journalist who accused a government minister ofcorruption was withdrawn after pressure from the Kenya Union of Journalists (KUJ), mediaowners and seven foreign missions. The media industry opposes the government’s position andfavors self-regulation. It set up the Media Council of Kenya in 2002 to pursue this aim, resolve 11
  • complaints and improve journalistic standards. The Council has also drawn up a code of practicefor ethical journalism.KUJ Secretary-General Ezekiel Mutua is at the forefront of the campaign for self-regulation ofthe media industry. In November 2004 he said: “The Kenya Union of Journalists will not like tosee the reintroduction of punitive and restrictive legislations that will make it impossible forjournalists to freely operate in the course of discharging their duties.” Mutua has previouslyhighlighted journalism’s role in Kenya. He has referred to the media as a “defender ofdemocracy” and of performing “watchdog roles”, including acting “as a brake on the abuse ofpower by public officials.”Relations between the state and press in Kenya have also attractedinternational attention and have been recorded in the US Department of State’s report on HumanRights Practices for Kenya for 2003. The investigation highlighted that the Kenyan Constitutionprovides for freedom of speech and the press, but that these rights had sometimes been restrictedby the government. It mentioned that journalists were harassed, beaten and arrested by thesecurity forces, yet it mentioned that there were fewer such reports than in previous years.Government officials were reported to have put pressure on journalists to not cover certain issuesand some editors and journalists were believed to have practised self-censorship because ofgovernment pressure or bribes. The report added that international journalists were free to workin Kenya and that about 100 media organizations reported from the Kenyan capital Nairobiwithout official interference.Suggested SolutionsThe various obstacles facing the media in Kenya are in many ways similar to those that facemedia institutions in the rest of Africa. It is therefore not paradoxical that many scholars tend toprovide similar solutions to these problems. For example, Boafo argues that in order to deal withpolitical problems facing the media in Africa, there is need for the African countries to have aprovision of explicit clauses in their constitutions which guarantee press freedom and theestablishment of mass media free from political and governmental controls. Besides, there isneed for the decentralization of media ownership in Africa in order to allow individuals, groups,trade unions and non-governmental organizations to own the media as one of the ways of easing 12
  • levels of political controls. Furthermore, the political interference on the activities of the mediamay be addressed through the establishment of national media trusts and commissions whosepurpose would be to protect the media against governmental pressure and ensure that mediaprofessionals go about their jobs without fear of reprisals from the government in power.(1) There is need to decentralize the ownership as evidence now show that private media ownershave deep interest in the "maintenance of status quo". In this regard therefore, the media ownersneed to be ideologically clear on the press freedom and the roles of the media beyond their desireto maintain status quo at the expense of press freedom. To this end therefore, non-governmentalorganizations should be encouraged to establish media systems that respond to the peoples needsand their rights to communicate and to participate in information generation and dissemination.(2) The media in Africa should be managed and operated by academically and professionallywell-trained people. This calls for the strengthening of the media educational training institutionsin Africa through increase of funding levels for their programmes and through maximum use oflocal relevant resources.(3) The media professionals must themselves take the lead in opposing all forms of laws orimplied governmental interventions that negate the press freedom. They must therefore seek therepeal of the obstructive laws through the legal machinery available in Kenya.(4) Kenyans must collectively take the lead in strengthening the civil society capable of standingagainst oppression of any kind and other obstacles to the press freedom.(5) Kenyans must allow the media to play the watchdog role on the press freedom anddemocracy. To this end, the media must continue to impress on the government that in ademocratic society the government is a trustee of the collective will of the people, and that theactions of the government are expected to be regulated by public opinion. The media are themost appropriate outlets in gauging public opinion. This can only take place when the press andthe people are fully free from any forms of governmental interference.ConclusionThe role of the media in development in Kenya. We have argued that there is a directrelationship between press freedom, the roles of the media, and the nature of the government in 13
  • power as being critical in determining the basic functions of the media. We have also looked atsome of the factors that may limit press freedom and the role of the media, as well as proposedsome solutions to these problems. If these problems are solved, the impact of the media will begreatly improved and more positive for the benefit of our country. 14
  • References 1) Abuoga, John B. and Absalom A. Mutere. The History of the Press in Kenya, Africa Media Monograph Series, No. 5. 2) Ansah, Paul V. (1992). Communication and Human Rights in Africa: Implications Development-^ Publication of the World Association for Christian Communication— African Region (WACC-AR) Nairobi, Kenya Edited by Robert N. Kizito. 3) Boafo, K. Communication and Human Rights in Africa, Implications for Development. Edited by Robert N. Kizito. Publication of the World Association for Christian Communication—Africa Region (WACC-AR) Nairobi, Kenya 4) Fleur, Mehrtn L. (1973). Theories of Mass Communication, Second Edition, Washington State University. 5) Hachten, William .A. (1971). Muffled Drums. Iowa State University Press. 6) Lule, Jack. (1985). News values of Three Worlds in Handbook for 3rd WorldJournalists (by Al Hester et. al.). 1985. 7) Martin, L. John and Anju Grover Chandhary. (1983) Comparative MassMedia Systemsx Longman Series in Public Communication. 8) Ochilo, P. J. Omolo. (1992). "Training of Journalists and Democratic Transition in Kenya" in A New Democratic Error? A report of a Journalism Seminar on Ethical Decision Making in News Processing in Multi-party Kenya. Edited by Magayu K. Magayu and Kibisu Kabatesi. 9) Opubor, Alfred E. (1993). Media and Environment In Africa: Challenges for the Future. Ed. by S. T. Kwame Boafo, ACCE. 10) Parker, Edwin B. and All Mohammad!. Communication Policy for National Development A Comparative Perspective. Ed. by Mayia Teheranian,Farhad Hakimzadeh and Mercello L. Vidale. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 11) Rukwaro, G. K. (1992). The Press Laws and Evolution of a Multi-party State in Kenya". In A New Democratic Error? A report of the Journalism Seminar on Ethical Decision- 15
  • Making in News Processing In Multi-Party Kenya. Edited by Magayu K. Magayu and Kibisu Kabatesi.Siebert, Fred, Theodore Peterson and Wilbur Shramm. (1972). Four Theories of the Press.Urbana: University of Illinois Press.Victor, Greg. (1992). Attacks 16