The Armada and Administrative Reform: The Spanish Council of War in the Reign of PhilipIIAuthor(s): I. A. A. ThompsonSource: The English Historical Review, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Oct., 1967), pp. 698-725Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/561097 .Accessed: 01/02/2011 11:36Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTORs Terms and Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTORs Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at .http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup. .Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact email@example.com. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The English Historical Review.http://www.jstor.org
698 October TheArmadaandadministrative reform: theSpanish council warin thereign of of Philip IITHE formative role of warfare in the development of the earlymodern state has become a commonplace, but a commonplace thathas gained currency more by faithful reiteration than by adequatedemonstration. A recent conference on War and Society, I300- 600oo2 unable to contribute to the problem much more than a wasstring of questions which, however interesting and relevant, merelyhelped to underline how few answers have yet been found. Thisarticle is an attempt to investigate the relationship between war andadministrative change in the case of one particular governmentalinstitution, the Spanish council of war. Spain must stand in the forefront of any consideration of theproblem of war and government in the sixteenth century. For morethan a hundred years Spains armies dominated the battlefields ofEurope. At the same time she built up a governmental machine morecomplex and certainly more far-reaching than any of her rivals. Ifwarfare was a dominant theme in the history of Spain under CharlesV and Philip II, a modern authority has written, bureaucratizationwas another.3 The council of war - the body that was responsiblefor advising on military appointments, logistical planning, and theday-to-day administration of the permanent naval and militaryestablishments in Spain, North Africa, and the Balearic and Atlanticislands - is the bridge-institution par excellence the Spanish system, infor it is here most obviously that military demand and administrativeresponse come together. In I96o, at the Stockholm Historical Congress, the late ProfessorVicens Vives put forward a stimulating interpretation of adminis-trative development in the western Mediterranean, postulating aconjunction between the growth of modern absolute monarchy andthe culmination of the great Ottoman offensive. In his view, thecrucial decade was the I 53os when the naval war in the Mediterraneantook on really significant proportions.4 But this was a paper moreinspired than substantiated. There is no reason to believe that, atthat time, much of the burden of the Mediterranean war fell on theorgans of government in Castile. Throughout Charles Vs reign, i. I should like to thank Professor K. Garrad for having read and commented onthis paper. 2. Reported in Past and Present, 22 July 1962. .3 J. H. Elliott, ImperialSpain I469-17I6 (I963), p. I6o. 4. J. Vicens Vives, Estructura administrativa estatal en los siglos XVI y XVII,Rapportsiv, XIe Congres International Sciences des Historiques(Stockholm, 1960), pp. 8, 9.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 699there was never more than a handful of galleys attached to theflotilla of Spain. Nor were the numerous administrative functions ofwar undertaken solely by ministers of the Crown. Charles V reliedmuch more than his son on private contractors to run the galleys,feed and pay the troops, and maintain frontier defences. Even underPhilip II, defence against the Turk was an obligation that fell onItaly even more heavily than it did on Spain.2 Moreover, the patternof administrative change does not fit the chronology of the Turkishwar. The only wholesale reconstruction of government in Spainduring Charless reign occurred not under the pressure of the Otto-man naval offensive but in 522, on the emperors return to Spain.3This reorganization was motivated partly, but not entirely, by theexpenses of Empire and the fiscal and military demands of the waragainst France. Clearly more adequate arrangements for the mobili-zation of funds and for the reception of bullion from the Indies wererequired, but it was also necessary to re-establish a government thathad been neglected for years and reduced to chaos by the absence ofthe king and the revolt of the comuneros. Moreover, some kind ofmachinery had to be created that could work independently of asovereign whose other obligations made permanent residence inCastile impossible; and here Burgundian examples seem to haveprovided a stimulus and a model.4 The system established between 522 and 524 remained without major modification until the I 5 os.Then, the dismembering of the Habsburg empire and the accessionof the more sedentary and introverted Philip II saw governmentbecome both more Spanish and more regularized. The changes ofthe first half of Philip IIs reign were, with the exception of the newcouncil of Italy, designed to make the existing machinery moreeffective and to eliminate ambiguities in existing ordinances.5 Theexpansion that took place was an expansion less of the administrationthan of the judicature. The central organs of military government,the council and the secretariat of war, whose history could most havebeen expected to conform to Vicens Vivess interpretation, followthe broad lines of development marked out by other branches ofthe administration. Not until the I58os was there any significantalteration. I. Ram6n Carande, Carlos Vy sus banqueros, La hacienda ii, real de Castilla (Madrid,I949), pp. 209 ff., 207, on galley contracts and the administration of Oran and Bougie.Gabriel de Morales, Datospara la historiade Melilla (Melilla, I909), p. 22, on the admini-stration of the fortress of Melilla by the duke of Medina Sidonia. 2. H. G. Koenigsberger, The Government Sicilyunder of Philip II of Spain (195 I), p. 54. 3. For the details of this reorganization see Antonio Rodriguez Villa, El EmperadorCarlos Vy su Corte segtn las cartas de Don Martin de Salinas, Embajadordel Infante DonFernando (1722-39) (Madrid, I903), pp. 71, 72, 88, Ioo, o02, I49, i68, I73, 263, 327, 353. 4. Carande, chap. 2 passim. 5. Francisco de Laiglesia, Estudios Histdricos (IZ/y-z/y) (Madrid, I908), p. 197;Francisco Gallardo Fernandez, Origen,Progresos Estado de las Rentas de la Caronade yEspata, sugobiernoy i administracidn,(Madrid, 1817), pp. 25, 26.
7oo0 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR October I The origins of the council of war are obscure. Contemporary com-mentators ascribed its inception to Don Pelayo in the eighth centuryor even saw it as co-terminous with the monarchy itself. However,the first reference to a council of war existing as a recognizable unitof the administration cannot be pushed further back than I5 6.2Before that no mention is made of it; after II56, its continuedexistence is testified by an increasing quantity of evidence. Nothing,then, is known about its institution or its antecedents. It may haveemerged gradually as a sub-committee of the council of Castile, inmuch the same way as did the council of the Indies, but this is littlemore than guesswork. If 1516 was the date of its first appearance, itmay be connected in some way with the absence of direct royalcontrol after the death of Ferdinand, and may have been set up eitheras a political device to dilute the power of Cisneros or to assist himin the prosecution of the war against Francis I. In 522, the councilwas reconstituted as part of the general reform of the household.3After 1522, there is no evidence of any substantial change in thecouncil of war until the accession of Philip II in 1556, and this prob-ably amounted to no more than a change of personnel, possiblyassociated with Philips noted preference for Spanish advisers.4 Apartfrom this, the structure of the council seems to have remainedunaltered for more than sixty years, and these precisely the years ofthe greatest Turkish military and naval pressure. Indeed, throughoutthe reign of Charles V the position of the council of war in thegovernmental hierarchy was highly insecure, and it may even havepassed through periods of more or less complete atrophy. Under theemperor, the council continued to be thought of as a personal and I. See Mariano Alcocer Martfnezs untitled article on the councils in RevistaHistdrica,Valladolid,ii (I925), I45-57, p. 15 1, and Santiago Agustin Riol. Informe que hizo a SuMagestad en i6 de Junio de 1726 ... sobre la creaci6n, erecci6n, e instituci6n de losConsejos y Tribunales .. ., in Antonio Valladares de Sotomayor, Semanario Erudito,iii(Madrid, 1787), 191, 195. 2. A[rchivo] G[eneral de] S[imancas], Estado legajo 3, fo. i, Relacion de las personasque tiene a cargo de despachar los negocios destos Reinos, dated only by the year I 5 6,states simply, Castilla las cosas de la guerra al c6sejo dla guerra. This is a year earlierthan the earliest record found by Fritz Walser, Die Spanischen Zentralbehorden der undStaats Rat Karls V (Gottingen, I959), p. 265, n. I47. 3. Salinas to Treasurer Salamanca, Valladolid, i Sept. 1522, Ha ordenado SuMajestad Consejo de Guerra y se ha deshecho el que solIa tener. ., Rodriguez Villa,p. 63. 4. This, at any rate, is the inference behind the only indication of a reorganization atthe beginning of Philip IIs reign, a letter of the count of Tendilla to the interim-secretary of War, Ledesma, from Granada, 17 Aug. I558, in which he refers to thenewness and inexperience of the councillors . . . . por ser los mas de esos senioresdelConsejo de guerra nuevos y no estar informados de la manera que el emperador y el reyan tomado estas cosas. .., AGS G[uerra] A[ntigua] leg. 68, fo. 19 (abbreviations havebeen extended). On Philips preference for Spanish advisers see J. Gounon-Loubens,Essais sur Iadministration la Castilleau XVIe sicle (Paris, 860), p. 50. de
i967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 70Ieven an occasional adjunct of the sovereign. A memorandum to theemperor in 524, advising him on the best manner of governing 5Spain during his absence, declared, Council of war, please the Lord,will not be needed, either because there will be no war, or because, ifthere should be one, the real council ought to reside with YourMajesty.1 In 1529, while Charles was out of the country, DiegoHurtado de Mendoza complained on behalf of the council of warthat it was being ignored and not being summoned.2 In 1532, thepresident of the council of Castile was writing of the disorder thatthere is in the council of war.3 The first twenty-five years of PhilipIIs reign brought little change in its fortunes. Paolo Tiepolo, inI563, thought there was little worth saying about the activities ofthe council of war since Spain is at peace, and there is no business ofgreat import.4 In 1572, the new secretary, Delgado, complainedthat the councillors were so remiss in attending meetings thatthey were only getting through a quarter of their business, andthat he had a backlog of papers up to a year and a half old that hadnot yet been dealt with. Two councillors meeting mornings andafternoons could do all that was required.5 Two new members wereappointed to the council in the same year, and the crisis seems to havebeen a temporary one. The following year, the Venetian Donatodescribed it as consiglio di pochissime faccende, and it seems tohave been looked on generally as not playing a very vital role in thegovernmental system. Donato believed, The king uses it only tosupply certain items of information on occasions, and rather tohonour some great lord with the title of councillor than really toadvise on matters of war, which cannot properly be discussed with-out bringing in the council of state ... for the council of war is notentrusted with the secret affairs of state even when they involvewar.6 Indeed, the majority of commentators have hesitated to allowit a fully autonomous existence.7 During the reign of Charles V, itseems to have been considered a sort of administrative sub-office of I. See Hayward Keniston, Franciscode los Cobos,Secretaryof the EmperorCharles V(Pittsburgh, I960), p. 86, quoting B[ritish] M[useum] MS. Egerton 307, fos. 159-63,Parecer del Doctor Carvajal sobre lo que el Emperador deve ha;er para ausentarse ycomo debe quedar lo de los Conssejos y quien yra con el Emperador. fo. i62v. 2. B[iblioteca] N[acional, Madrid], secci6n de manuscritos I778, fo. 217, copy of aletter of the president of Castile to Francisco de los Cobos, soon after Nov. 529. 3. AGS Estado leg. 3, fo. 353. 4. Eugenio Alberi, Le Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, I5 vols. (Florence, I839etc.), serie i, vol. v, p. 65, Paolo Tiepolo, I9 Jan. 1563. Chap 2 of the Madrid CortesofI563 also suggests that the council of war was not fully active, Actas de las CortesdeCastilla (Madrid, i86I etc.), i. 302. 5. AGS GA leg. 76, fo. 127, Delgado to Philip II, 1572. 6. Alberi, I, vi. 374, Leonardo Donato, I573. 7. A typical description is that of Francisco X. Garma y Duran, Teatro UniversaldeEspata, iv (Barcelona, 175 ), p. I40, El Supremo Consejo de Guerra tiene la propriaantiguedad que el Sublime de Estado porque siempre han constituido los dos un mismoCuerpo, distinguiendose solo en los nombres, por los ramos de los expedientes.
702 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberthe council of state. Both the instructions the emperor left for thegovernment of Spain in 1543 and 1548 delegated to the council ofstate the principal questions of war, and to the council of war theirexecution, preparation, and implementation. The council of stateexercised ultimate supervision over questions of general policy, andunder Philip II it was recognized that matters of outstanding impor-tance ought to pass before the council of state as well as the councilof war.2 The predominance of the council of state was, of course, a generalpredominance within the whole Spanish system of government, butover the council of war it exercised a special control by the main-tenance of a large nucleus of members common to both councils.Contemporary observers are virtually unanimous in asserting thatcouncillors of state were ex offcio members of the council of war,3and, excepting the episcopal members of the council of state, this byand large seems to have been true. Between 15 70, from which datethe minutes of council meetings begin to list the members present,and 5 80, when for a few years they stop doing so, only five of thenineteen known councillors of war were not simultaneously membersof the council of state.4 Of these five, one, Vespasiano Gonzaga,made only the rarest of appearances at the council-table, andanother, Don Juan de Idiaquez, was not made a councillor of waruntil he was appointed to the secretaryship of state in 579.5 Three ofthe five were professional soldiers or staff officers: VespasianoGonzaga, Don Frances de Alava, captain-general of the artillery andsometime ambassador in Paris, a soldier with over fifty years ofservice, and Francisco de Ibarra, the purveyor and commissarygeneral; but, apart from the Italian Vespasiano, prince of Sabionedaand duke of Trayeto, the military members of the council were all ofunexalted birth. The councillors of state, on the other hand, camewithout exception from the greatest families in the land: Don Johnof Austria, Ruy G6mez prince of liboli, the dukes of Feria, Medina-celi, Sessa, Francavilla, and Alba, the comendador mayor de Castilla,Don Luis de Zfiiga y Requesens, the comendador mayorde Alcdntara,Don Luis de Avila, the count of Chinch6n, the marquises of LosVelez, Almazan, and Aguilar, and theprior de San Juan, Don Antoniode Toledo. Several of these men were experienced military com-manders, but they were in the main either politicians or diplomats,ex-viceroys and ex-ambassadors. Some, notably the Prior Don i. AGS Patronato Real leg. 26, fos. 27 and io6. 2. AGS GA leg. 82, fo. I93, Delgado to Philip II, i3 Dec. I577. 3. See, e.g., the Venetian ambassadors Badoero I557, Donato 1573 and Zane 1584,Alberi, I. iii. 252, Vi. 373, v. 360. 4. The minutes of the council of war are to be found in the old section GuerraAntigua (now Guerra y Marina) of the Archivo General de Simancas. 5. Fidel Perez-Minguez, Don Juan de IdidqueZ: de Embajadory consejero Felipe II (SanSebastian, I934), p. 170.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 703Antonio and the marquis of Aguilar, were, if we are to believe theVenetian ambassadors, nobodies, complete mediocrities withoutexperience and without intelligence who owed their position, we canonly surmise, to their connections at Court or the caprice of royalfavour.1 After 1572, when Don Frances de Alava and Don Juan deAyala were appointed to the council of war,2 these two togetherwith Ibarra were, for several years, the only regular members of thecouncil not also involved in the council of state. Before 1572, interms of membership, the council of war could hardly have existedin its own right at all. As the secretary Delgado intimated, for most of its members thecouncil of war was only a secondary occupation, and one that, inspite of Donato, did not carry much prestige.3 An undated memo-randum submitted to Philip II suggested that the council of war beused to give advisory positions to those persons not qualified withthe customary nobility, whom it is not meet to put in the council ofstate.4 A report by Delgado on a suitable gratification for DonSancho de Leiva relates some opposition to a gratuity of eight or tenthousand ducats and appointment to the council of war, because thegratuity ought to be larger, and membership of the council of waralone was little ... If by chance the viceroyalty of Navarre wasvacant that would be suitable, as he has vassals and lineage . .5 Thecouncil of war, then, seems to have consisted of those grandees of thecouncil of state who could not be completely disqualified fromdiscussing matters of war and high politics, grandees who were, infact, sworn in as of the council of state and war, together withcertain military experts of a less elevated social status. Although, in I. On the Prior see the comments of Badoero (I557), Apenas entiende nada de losasuntos de Estado ni de las cosas que estan en relaci6n con su cargo de caballerizomayor. En suma es tenido por simple y, como suele decirse, de buenapasta, L. P. Gachard, Carlos Vy Felipe II a travesde sus contempordneos, Spanish trans. (Madrid, 1944),p. 48. An observer of I572 took a more kindly view (ibid. p. I25), but in I577 the Priorwas still regarded as useless, for one reason or another (ibid. p. I34). On Aguilar seeAlberi, I. v. 325, Gioan Francesco Morosini I58I, il quale non e mai stato fuori di Spagna, ne e stato mai a guerra alcuna, ne ha mai atteso a lettere, and the anonymousrelation of 577 in Gachard, p. 35, es altanero, presuntuoso y de mediocre inteligenciapara los asuntos de Estado. Apenas se hace caso de el y toda su importancia estriba enhaber entrado en el Consejo. Badoeros comments on the then count of Feria - poseeuna inteligencia mediocre ... Tiene poca experiencia en los asuntos de Estado, guerra yfinanzas; pero esta siempre dispuesto a aprender (Gachard, p. 45) - and those of theauthor of the 577 relation on the duke of Francavilla - tiene inteligencia, pero pocosconocimientos (ibid.p. 134) - are also not without relevance to this point. 2. AGS GA leg 77, fo. 74, Delgado to Philip II, undated. Alavas title as captaingeneral of the artillery was issued on 17 May 1572, so his elevation to the council islikely to have been at about the same time, GA leg. 76, fo. 33. 3. AGS GA leg. 78, fo I6o, Delgado to Philip II, undated but probably 1574,parescio ... que ... yo dixese a vuestra Majestad les mandase que sienpre se hallen alos consejos de guerra como a los destado/ y aunque yo se lo yo dire de parte de VuestraMajestad/ por lo que se me ordeno lo digo aqui; and previously, in a similar vein, GAleg. 76, fo. 127. 4. AGS Diversos de Castilla leg. 8-Io6, fo. I2, 5. AGS GA leg. 78, fos. 219, 250.
704 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberpractice, the business of the council was on many occasions con-ducted solely in the presence of its professional and less distinguishedmembers, this period up to the early 158os can still largely beconsidered as one in which the council of war was dominated by thegreat nobles of the council of state, a period in which the intri-cate moves of international diplomacy were as yet largely unclut-tered by the more mundane problems of organization and theprocesses of supply were generally routine or extra-peninsular. II The first reference to a secretary of war is in a letter of Salinas,Ferdinand of Austrias ambassador at the Spanish Court, in February1523, in which he says that the emperor has retained Pedro deZuazola as secretary for war.1 However, all the evidence wouldsuggest that Zuazola was acting as secretary for war several yearsbefore this. During I 5 9, an official of his was receiving a stipend forbeing responsible for summoning the members of the council ofwar whenever they have to meet in council, and for having thedespatches of war sealed and registered;2 while Zuazolas personalconnection with military papers can be traced back certainly as far as1516. The emergence of a specialized secretary of war, then, can beseen as roughly contemporaneous with the emergence of a specializedcouncil of war. Like the council, this single secretaryship was to besufficient to deal with the military affairs of Spain for another seventyyears. During this period, the secretaries were not men with anydirect knowledge of war or of logistics, but professional adminis-trators, bureaucrats trained at the desk, and trained especially amongthe ledgers of the royal exchequer. Zuazola was apprenticed in theoffice of the Secretary Gaspar de Gricio, in the days when Isabellawas still alive.3 His successor, Juan Vazquez de Molina, graduatedfrom that school of clerks brought up at the elbow of his kinsman,Francisco de los Cobos,4 and himself became the scion of one ofthe many families who tied their fortunes to almost hereditaryservice in the royal administration. His nephew, Juan Vazquez deSalazar, followed him as secretary of war, and then became secretaryof state and cdmaraof Castile, and secretary of justice. Salazar diedafter sixty-one years in the service of the Crown, leaving, in his turn, i. Rodrfguez Villa, p. Ioo, Salinas to Treasurer Salamanca, Valladolid, 8 Feb. I523. 2. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 9, cedula real 5 May 1 5 19, ordering the payment ofa salary of 15,000 maravedis year from I Jan. 1519, porque Bartolome de Ybafieta, aofficial de Pedro de (iuacola nuestro Secretario, tiene cargo por el de llamar a los delnuestro Consejo de la Guerra quando se aya de juntar a hazer consejo y de hazer sellar yrregistrar las provysiones tocantes a guerra que se ofrescen despachar de ofico . . .. 3. Antonio and E. A. de la Torre, Cuentasde Gonzalode Baeza, Tesorero Isabel la deCatdlica,ii, 1491-1504 (Madrid, I956), p. 580, cidula 12 Mar. I503, a Pedro de (uagola,criado de Gaspar de Grizio, secretario de su Alteza, 5000 mrs., de que le hizo merced,and p. 6I8, another 5000 maravedis, Jan. I504. 10 4. Keniston, pp. 118, 334 ff.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 705a son to follow him.1 The secretary of war from 1571 to I 585, JuanDelgado, was another who spent more than half a century in anadministrative career.2 His handwriting is to be found among thepapers of war at least as early as 1554, when he was apparentlyemployed by the interim-secretary Ledesma. The experience of thesesecretaries was gained rather in finance than in war. The interim-secretary in 1529, Andres Martinez de Ondarza, was comptrollerand supervisor of the royal household.3 Zuazola left the secretary-ship to become treasurer-general of Castile and to organize thefinances of the expedition to Tunis.4 Delgado had been comptroller-general of the artillery and the official in charge of the account of theexchequer. From 571, certainly until 5 83 or I 584, when he askedto be excused the office, he served also in the council of finance.5 Too little is known to enable us to establish a definite pattern ofdevelopment on the basis of an increase in the number of the councilsminor officials. In 519, one man seems to have been responsible forpractically everything, acting as porter, and having the despatchessealed and registered.6 By 1563, there were two porters working forthe council of war.7 In the I5 70s, there was again only one, helped byhis sons. Moreover, not only was he porter for the council of war,but for the councils of state, cdmara,and finance, and for all ad hoccommittees as well.8 Apart from this, no non-judicial officer of thecouncil appears on the royal payroll at this time.9 All the paper workinvolved in the control of a military machine that dominated half theworld was the private concern of a handful of secretaries. Delgado,as the others before him, ran his office with an undisclosed numberof clerks, dependent upon, paid by, and responsible to him alone,officials who come within the light of administrative recognition i. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 30 under Juan Vizquez de Salazar, and leg. 32under Don Luis de Molina y Salazar. 2. AGS GA leg. 466, a consultaof the council of war on a petition of his son, DonAgustfn Delgado, 27 May 1596. 3. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 7, a note to the contadores, June I519. i6 4. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 38, title, Bologna i Jan. I533. Luisa Cuesta andFlorentino Zamora Lucas, Los Secretarios de Carlos V, Revista deArchivos,Bibliotecasy Museos,LXIV. 2, (1958), p. 441. 5. AGS GA leg. 70, fo. 35, Luis de Escavias, joint-visitador Oran, a mi Sefor Juan ofDelgado criado de Su Majestad y su contador general del artilleria, En Corte, Oran 21Mar. 56o0; AGS Contadurfas Generales leg. 318, Titulo del oficio de la Razon de laHacienda de Su Majestad, 9 Nov. 1568; AGS GA leg. 75, fo. 62, Juan de Recalde alIlustre Sefior el Secretario Juan Delgado mi Sefior del Consejo de la azienda de SuMajestad, i2 Sept. I57I, and B.M. Addit. MS. 28344, fo. 387, undated list of petitions,but post 3 Sept. 1583. 6. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 9, c6dulaI5 May 151 9. 7. AGS GA leg. 72, fo. 267, Recuerdos de Negocios, 1569. 8. AGS GA leg. 8i, fo. 170, consulta partes I4 Jan. 1576, and leg. 300, consulta the de ofcouncil of war, I June 1590, on a petition of the porter, Francisco de Ayllon, referringto his thirty years of service, and the twenty que an sus hijos servido. 9. See the account book of Juan de Portillo, receptor del Consejo de Guerra de losmaravedis aplicados .. . para gastos de Justicia y (1)etrados, AGS ContadurfaMayor deCuentas IIa epoca leg. 465. VOL. LXXXII-- NO. CCCXXV YY
70o6 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberonly on the expense account of their master. In I548, JuanVazquez de Molina had at least five clerical assistants.1 Gabriel deZayas, who stood in at times for Delgado, had five or six, and Del-gado himself had at least three at any one time.2 During the Portu-guese campaign, he was employing seven clerks writing out despatchesto the cities; but this was exceptional.3 The great majority of theofficials employed by the council and the king were concerned not withwar but with law, with the despatch of the judicial business that fell tothe council as the highest court of military law, theffueromilitar.In theI 56os and I 570s, there is an assessor, a relator, afiscal, an advocate ofthe poor, a special receiver of fines and confiscations, and severalinvestigators and amanuenses attached to the council.4 The steadyincrease in the councils legal activity, largely concerned with therevision of disciplinary visitations and with appeals against judg-ments involving the soldiery, seems out of all proportion to thecouncils military responsibilities.5 The office of relator was tempo-rarily divided into two in I572.6 In I575, the council recommendedthat instead of using one of the alcaldesde corteas assessor, a salariedassessor who was not burdened with other duties should beappointed.7 In the middle of I584, two of the kings householdconstables were co-opted on to the judicial executive of the councilof war.8 During I 573, I5 74 and I 575, the council was having to meetpractically every day, morning and afternoon, and in I 58o it wasmeeting two or three times a week just to deal with visitas.9 Never-theless, even the judicial business of the council was not sufficient toprovide full-time employment for its officials. The assessors weregenerally members of the council of Castile also.10The relatorin 580drew salaries from the council of Castile and the council of thecru<ada,as well as from that of war.11 Before his death in I 585, the i. AGS Estado leg. i3, fo. 86, includes various petitions from criados de JuanVazquez, Lagarruga,Alameda, Arriola, Maestre Juan, Juan de Segovia. 2. AGS Estado leg. 159 (fo. 69); AGS GA leg. 90, fo. 119. 3. AGS GA leg. 94, fo. 46, Delgado to Philip II, i6 Feb. I580. 4. AGS Contadurfa Mayor de Cuentas IIa epoca leg. 465. 5. E.g. AGS GA leg. 77, fo. i82, Delgado to Philip II, 1572 or I 573, pues los delConsejo de Guerra que aqui estan no tienen enbaraco se podrian juntar cada semana doso tres mafianas a ello y por que la mayor parte destas cosas tocan en Justicia pues elalcalde Salazar . . . se podria hallar de ordinario a la vista dellos con los del dichoConsejo .. .. 6. AGS GA leg. 76, fo. I29, Delgado to Philip II, I572. 7. AGS GA leg. 80, fo. 254, Delgado to Philip II, i8 Sept. 1575. 8. AGS GA leg. 191, petition of Juan Velazquez and Juan de Sant Ihoan, I7 Oct.1586, for their salaries from 24 July 1584. 9. AGS GA leg. 8i, fo. 395, petition of Licenciado Ruy Perez, relatorof the councilof war, el a que sirbe casi dos aniosy en este tiempo el dicho Consejo se a tenido casicada dia ordinariamente mafiana y tarde .. .. He seems to have been appointed some-where in the middle of I573, see Contadurfa Mayor de Cuentas, IIa epoca leg. 465. GAleg. 94, fo. 172, Delgado to Philip II, 28 Nov. I 580. o. AGS GA leg. 88, fo. 212, Delgado to Philip II, I0 July I578. I . AGS GA leg. 82, fo. 77:2, Delgado to Philip II, 3 I Mar. 1577, and AGS Consejo yJuntas de Hacienda leg. 125 new (I 8 old), a list of officers and councillors of the councilof the cruw.ada, Dec. 58o. 3
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 7o7LicenciadoDiego de la Vera was acting as attorney at Court for thepoor who litigate in the royal council, in the councils of finance andwar, in the contaduriasmayoresde haciendaand de cuentas,and in thecouncil of the cruzada.l III After sixty-odd years of existence, the council of war had estab-lished for itself no clearly defined place in the governmental hier-archy. It existed by virtue of no formal ordinances regularizing itsfunctions; it had no formal place in Court ceremonies and pro-cessions; the councillors received no salary and no patent ofappointment.2 Its members were frequently experts, but rarelyspecialists; its secretaries specialists but never experts; its officersmainly part-timers. There had been no effective delineation offunction between this and the other councils. It was concerned withthe administration of war and the provision of military requirementswithin the boundaries of the peninsula, North Africa, and theSpanish islands of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.3 It waslimited territorially by the council of the Indies, and by the councilsof Italy and Flanders which, together with the council of state,exercised in those areas the duties that in Spain fell to the council ofwar.4 It was limited internally not only by being supervised by thecouncil of state, especially on questions of appointments and foreigntrade, but also by the overlapping competences of the governmentalcouncils of Castile, Aragon, and Portugal.5 The council of war had,then, no clear monopoly of military affairs.It was quite possible for thesame business to be presented before various councils, and even fora petitioner to play off one council against another. Supplicants, I. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 12, title of appointment of his successor, LicenciadoDiego de Valdepefias, Monz6n, I4 July I585. 2. This is not true of the early years of Charles V. The patent of appointment of themarquis of Aguilar, 7 Sept. I 517, allows him a salary of Ioo,ooo maravedis year, AGS aQuitaciones de Corte leg. 32. But the last patent of appointment I have come across isthat of the marquis of Mondejar, 24 Apr. 1546, which notes the payment of Ioo,ooomaravedis him until I 560, Quitaciones de Corte leg. 32. After this date, all the records toand contemporary descriptions indicate that the councillors, as councillors, wereunpaid. See, for example, B.M., MS. Cotton Vesp. cvi, fo. 43, Espafia Anno 577, andGarma, iv. 54. 3. B.M. MS. Sloane 36o0, fo. 9, Tratados Varios Tocantes a Cosas de Espafia, esteconsejo suele tratar solamente de las cosas de Espafia y Africa. 4. See, on the council of the Indies, E. Schafer, El Consejo Realy Supremo las Indias, de2 vols. (Seville, 1935, 1947); on the council of state, Jose Maria Cordero Torres, ElConsejode Estado. Su trayectoria perspectivasen Espana (Madrid, 1944); and, on the ycouncil of Italy, Camillo Giardina, II SupremoConsigliodItalia, Atti della Reale Acca-demia di Scienze, Lettere, e Belle Arti di Palermo, xix, fasc. I, I934 (Palermo, 1936),especially pp. 112, II5. 5. On the military duties of the council of Aragon see Carlos Riba y Garcia, ElConsejo de Supremo Aragon en el reinado Felipe II (Valencia, 19I4). There is nothing on deeither the council of Castile or the council of Portugal. I have not been able to seeJoaquin Jose Salcedo Izu, El Consejo Real de Navarra en el sigloXVI (Pamplona, 964).
7o8 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberhaving failed to convince the council of war of their worth, wouldturn to the council of Italy, where it is easily done, as those of thatcouncil do not know, nor can they know, the services of these men,since being men of letters they have never seen them fight.1 Agovernor of Minorca, having twice applied unsuccessfully for leaveto the council of war, turned to the council of Aragon and theresecured a recommendation for his petition, which the council ofwar then endorsed.2 The lack of precisely defined lines of demarcationwas not unique to the council of war, but it was a problem that wasonly aggravated by the vagueness of the councils official status andthe absence of any set of written ordinances. In terms of functionthen, as well, it is still possible to see these years of the councilshistory, right up to 1586, as a period of prolonged adolescence. It was also apparent that the council of war was itself not function-ing satisfactorily. It seems to have shared that internal unsoundnessthat foreign observers had noticed in the conciliar system as a whole.The Venetian Lorenzo Priuli spoke of the disorder there is in thesecouncils because of the lack of experienced councillors and becausethe king does not attend them.3 This, together with the delaysinevitable in a system where the king counted so much on hisministers that every detail went through the councils, yet esteemedthem so little that he made all the decisions himself, meant thatbusiness was so in arrears that everything was done out of its time,and to negotiate in that court was unbearable. Delgados reportsbear out many of the ambassadors strictures. The pre-occupation ofsome of the most important members of the council of war withother duties frequently held up the expedition of business. Asentence of death passed on a Captain Linares was referred back bythe king because, although I believe he very well deserves thepunishment . . . which is most just, it appears that few members ofthe council of war were present at the hearing - no more than two -and I think the case should be heard again with more of them there.4A little later, the secretary expressed his dissatisfaction with themethod of filling vacant posts. If somebody says in council that aparticular person is good, there is nobody will contradict him, eventhough he knows otherwise.5 Time was wasted and work disruptedby bad blood, and by petty squabbles over precedence.6 It was in I. AGS GA leg. 88, fo. 122, Delgado to PhilipII, 2 Feb. 1578. 2. AGS GA leg. 77, fo. 190, Delgado to Philip II, undated, possibly 1573. 3. Alberi, i. v. 255. 4. AGS GA leg. 80, fo. 193, reply to Delgado, 5 June I575, and another instance thefollowing year, GA leg. 8I, fo. 328, Delgado to Philip II, I9 Oct. 1576. 5. AGS GA leg. 8I, fo. I94, Delgado to Philip II, 4 Mar. 1576. 6. The trouble seems to have come to a head in the middle of I583 with an openclash between two particularly strong and rigid personalities, Don Frances de Alava andthe marquis of Aguilar. Aguilar was resentful that he was not being allowed the authorityhe expected over the councils affairs. AGS GA leg. 154, fos. 293 and 316, Delgado toPhilip II, 15 May and 26 June I583.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 709consequence of an incident of this kind that Delgado wrote to theking, So it please Your Majesty, some way must be found to get allthe members of the council to speak on everything, and to act in theresolution of affairs in the interests of Your Majesty, withoutpersonal animosity or anything else intervening.1 IV The relative insignificance of the council of war is to be explained bythe insulation of Castile from the organizational burdens of war forfully three-quarters of the sixteenth century. It was not concerneddirectly with the infantry stationed in the Low Countries and inItaly, nor with the galleys of Naples and Sicily. As a result, the revoltof the Netherlands seems to have had no direct effect on the methodsor the machinery of military administration in Spain. Nor did thewar in the Mediterranean make demands sufficiently heavy to requirethe establishment of an extensive administrative apparatus. Italy,like the Netherlands before 1567, was largely self-supporting andcontributed a great deal to the total cost of defence against theTurk.2 The capture of the Pefi6n de los Velez in I 564 was the onlyone of the great Mediterranean expeditions that was organized fromSpain. The campaigns of Gerba in 560, Malta in i 565, Lepanto inI57I, and Tunis in 1573 were all equipped in Italy, and pre-dominantly Italian in conception and composition. For Spain, by farthe most significant military operation of the first half of Philip IIsreign was the suppression of the moriscorevolt in Granada betweenDecember I568 and January 1571; but this was essentially a feudalwar in the tradition of the Reconquista, not a precedent for the greatmobilizations of state power that were to come later. The evidence admittedly is deficient, but there are few indicationsthat the military activity of the I 56os had any marked effect on theorgans of military administration in Madrid. On the threat ofrebellion in the Netherlands, in 566, the members of the council ofwar who were away from Court were recalled, and the councils ofstate and war met day after day in a fever of secret confabulations.3There was, at the same time, a widespread investigation into theconduct of the officers of all the councils, and rumours of a generalreformation of the whole central administration4; but as far as thecouncil of war is concerned there is no sign of any structural changewhatsoever. The revolution occurred in the I 58os. The conquest ofPortugal made necessary the permanent organization of an army ofoccupation and, with the political, military, and strategic con-sequences that followed from it, normalized duties that for the I. AGS GA leg. 154, fo. 293. 2. Koenigsberger, p. 54. 3. Haus-Hof und Staats Archiv, Vienna, Spanien Varia fasz. i6. fos. 17v and 20,Avisos de la Corte de Espafia dende dos de Abril hasta por todo lo de Mayo, I 566. 4. Ibid. fo. I8.
7IO THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octobercouncil of war had hitherto been largely sporadic, or at any rate of amuch lower magnitude. The I 58os were a decade of continuous andexpanding warfare, in Portugal, in the Azores, in the Atlantic, in theNorth Sea, in Brittany; warfare conducted on a scale that had notbeen surpassed even by the greatest of the expeditions against theTurks, and with a frequency not to be compared with the spasmodiccampaigns of the I 56os and I570s. Military action, from being theoccasional act of fervour or retaliation, had become the norm. Thiswas of necessity reflected in a marked increase in the demands andthe cost of war. Within the decade, Spains military effort on thehome front, whether measured in terms of men, money or supplies,had increased by something like a factor of three.1 In contrast to thecampaigns against Islam, the activities of the second half of thereign were all predominantly Castilian. Problems of administrationand finance were posed on a scale never before faced by the councilof war or its ministers. The war against the Portuguese followers of the prior of Crato canbe seen as the end of an epoch in the history of Spanish militaryadministration. The campaign of I 580 was the last to be organized byan administrative machine that had existed with little change sincethe time of the reigning kings great-grandfather. It is the first thatcan be adequately studied.2 This itself is significant. There can be nodoubt that the documents surviving in the Archive of Simancas, inthe section Guerra Antigua, are incomplete for the early part of thecentury. For the last twenty years of Philips reign, however, theyprovide a reasonable index of the quantity of work the secretariat ofwar had to get through. For all the years up to 1577, only eighty-three bundles and thirty-three ledgers remain; there are five bundlesin each of the years 1578 and 1579, fifteen in I 580, the first year ofthe Portuguese war, and eighteen by 1583. The average falls toeleven in 1584-6, to be followed by a leap from eleven to twenty-onebetween 586 and 1587. Over the last dozen years of the reign, thereis an average of twenty-eight bundles and between three and fourledgers a year, with peaks of thirty-five and thirty-seven in 1589 andI590. The picture is plain. The administrative burden of thePortuguese war was much greater than anything that had gonebefore it, that of the Enterprise of England twice as heavy again;and this level was maintained until the very end of the reign. It was I. Up to 1580 the ordinary expenses of war within Spain ranged between 750,000 and1,ooo,ooo ducats; by 1587, they had risen to about 3,000,000 ducats and reached a peakof 3,500,00o in I597. (Chap. i, Table ii of my unpublished Cambridge Ph.D. thesis,I965, War and AdministrativeDevolution:The Military Government Spain in the Reign of ofPhilip II. Alvaro Castillo, Dette Flottante et Dette Consolidee en Espagne de 1557 A 600o,AnnalesE.S.C., i8e annee (I963), no. 4, p. 748, gives an increase from beginningto end of the reign of a similar order of magnitude, but with somewhat lower figures.) 2. Jose Aparici y Garcia, Informesobre los adelantosde la Comisidnde Historia en elArchivo de Simancas,2 vols. (Madrid, 1848), i. 87.
i967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 7IIinevitable that there must be some administrative development com-mensurate with the tasks that had to be faced. For the council of war the quinquennium that followed theannexation of Portugal was a period of dislocation and indecisiveness.As it stood, the council was inadequate for the increased volume andcomplexity of the tasks that confronted it; inadequately composed,inadequately staffed, inadequately co-ordinated. This, Philip wasamong the first to recognize. In his reply to Delgados complaintabout the discords within the council, in May 1583, he wrote, I amlooking into all this and thinking about some reorganization whichwill put a stop to much of the trouble - perhaps to all of it - as I willexplain to you some day, God willing. In the meantime, try to seethat everything goes well, and do not summon the council exceptwhen it cannot be avoided.l The paucity of consultassurviving forthese years suggests that the council of war, uprooted again by theroyal progress to Aragon, met with much less frequency until thesecond half of 586. A petition of June of that year refers to themany months that a council of war has not been held in this Court.2Another, a fortnight later, asks for the settlement of a lawsuit thathad been before the council for more than two years.3 By the beginning of 1586, only two members of the council of warremained, for there had been hardly any new appointments sinceI579.4 In October 1585, Delgado died after several years of in-different health and many months away from his desk, during whichtime his son, Agustin, had acted as his substitute.5 He was succeeded,within a month of his death, by Antonio de Eraso, the son ofFrancisco de Eraso, and now secretary of the council of the Indies.6Early in February I586, Eraso also died.7 It was to be three monthsbefore the office was filled. A few days before Erasos death, DonJuan de Idiaquez had written to the marquis of Santa Cruz askingfor his estimate of the forces needed to send against England. The I. AGS GA leg. I54, fo. 293, Philip IIs reply to Delgado, I5 May I583. 2. AGS GA leg. I91, petition of Pedro de Angulo, 27 June I586. 3. Ibid., petition of Julian Paez Daltro, I3 Aug. 586. 4. See below, p. 7 5. The marquis of Almazan was still alive, but he was away fromthe Court as viceroy of Navarre from 1579 to the end of 15 86. 5. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 26, title of royal secretary, 6 July 1566, with a notereferring to his death, 9 Oct. I585; GA leg. 552, minute of a consulta the council of ofwar, Apr. 1599, on a petition of Don Agustfn Delgado, the son of Secretary JuanDelgado, fue coadjutor de su padre en los papeles de su ministerio y en la Jornada deMoncon hizo officio de Secretario de la guerra con permision del Rey nuestro Sefiorque esta en el cielo. ... 6. AGS GA leg. I79, fo. 37, marquis of Santa Cruz al muy Ilustre Sefior, el Sefior An-tonio de Eraso del Consejo de Su Majestad y su Secretario de la Guerra, Lisbon, 9Nov. 585, congratulating him on his appointment. 7. io Feb. 1586, Juan Ruiz de A?agra to the imperial ambassador, Khevenhiiller,Valencia io Feb. 1586, Haus-Hof und Staats Archiv, Vienna, Spanien Korrespondenzfasz. I2, fo. 2I5.
712 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberplan reached the king by-the beginning of April.1 The Enterprise ofEngland, as Santa Cruz visualized it, an expedition twice the size ofthat which had conquered Portugal, was taking shape at the verymoment when the secretaryship of war was vacant and the council ofwar practically inoperative. It was, then, in the shadow of the Armada that the reform of thecouncil and the secretariat of war, which so many reasons urged, wasfinally carried out. Clearly, by the date of the appointment of Erasoto the secretaryship, in the first week of November 585, no firmdecision to remould that office had been reached. Yet the subsequentactivities of the new secretary, Alva, in the preparation of the fleet inCorunna, in 1588, enhance the view that his appointment and thechanges that accompanied it, coming just at the moment when thedefinitive decision to embark upon the invasion of England wasbeing made, were not merely retrospective in inspiration.2 Indeed,this is precisely the interpretation put forward by the officialchronicler, Antonio de Herrera, in his Historia General,first publishedbetween I606 and I612. The Catholic King was planning his justrevenge on the queen of England and, among other things, heappointed, in those provinces where he intended to raise supplies forthe war, ministers who could be trusted to carry out his orderspromptly and diligently ... In Spain, with the same end in view, ...he divided the secretariat of war, for the war department seemed avery large machine to be run by one man and, for the purpose hewas contemplating, it would in the future need to be even larger ...and appointed two secretaries particularly suited to these tasks.3Reform, when it came, was to take two forms: in the first place, theestablishment of the ministry of war on a more institutionalized anda more professional footing; in the second, the extension of theorgans and the personnel of military government to enable it tocope with the vast quantity of material with which it now had todeal. V The bureaucratization of the council of war may have had itsbeginnings with a visita of the secretary in 1583, of which no recordhas been found other than the mention.4 In the following year, thereappear, for the first time, consultasbearing the monograms of the r. Enrique Herrera Oria, Felipe Ily el Marques Santa Cruz en la Empresade Inglaterra de(Madrid, I946), pp. II, 12. 2. Archivo Histdrico Espanol, ii, La Armada Invencible (Madrid, I930), p. 249. Hearrived there on 17 July 1588. 3. Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Historia General Mundo. . . del tiempodel Seior delRey Don Felipe II el Prudente,3 parts (Valladolid/Madrid I606-1612), iii. 43. 4. B.M. Add. MS. 28344, fo. 287v, referring to a petition of Delgado on behalf ofhis first official that was granted on 3 Sept. 583, acabadala visita.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 713attending councillors - consultasthat were, in other words, notmerely communications between the secretary and the king in whichit is difficult to distinguish accounts of council meetings fromsecretarial business and personal opinion, as they had been before,but genuine reports by the council - and royal decrees (cedulas reales),countersigned not only by the king and his secretary, which hadbeen the practice hitherto, but also by the duty councillor for thatweek.2 Philips increasing incapacity3 and the deaths of Delgado andEraso, two of his most experienced servants, broke the back of thatsystem of direct personal consultation and supervision between kingand secretary that had formed the basis of Delgados positionvis-a-visthe council.4 Not only was the council becoming an executivebody in its own right, but it also contained within itself the means ofdirect communication with the Crown. Don Juan de Idiaquez,councillor of war since his appointment as secretary of state in September 579, was a member of that junta de nocheof intimateadvisers that, from 1586, was to be practically the sole contact thatPhilip had with government.5 From this time, it is Idiaquez whotakes on those secret duties that had given the secretaries their name.Rarely now is the kings handwriting seen in the papers of the council of war. Idiaquez himself writes out the replies to the con-sultas, and the secretaries, their personal notes uncommon exceptbetween themselves, are reduced to being minuters of councilmeetings, their duties precisely defined by a series of instructions dated I 3 June 1586, the first set of instructions for the secretaryship of war that survive.6 At the same time, the secretariat that had hither- to been staffed privately by the personal servants of the secretaries became a royal office, a department of state. In February I 587, the royal payroll was extended to include two officials for each secretary. The first official of each was a royal appointment, the second approved by the king on the nomination of the appropriate secretary.7 i. The first monogrammed consultas the council of war that I have come across are ofdated 28 Sept. 1584, AGS GA leg. 173, fo. 44z. It is interesting that it is also in I 584 thatSchafer found the first monogrammed consultas the council of the Indies, though, in ofthis case, the monograms replaced not secretarial reports but consullassigned in full,Schiifer, i. 146. 2. Similarly, the first monogrammed cedula have noted is of 24 Oct. 1584, AGS GA Ileg. 173, fo. i68. 3. Philip was apparently so bad that in October 585 he received extreme unction,H. Forneron, Histoire de Philippe II, 4 vols. (Paris, i88z), iii. 2z6. From then on, theVenetian ambassadors refer repeatedly to his steadily declining health. 4. Matteo Zane, 1584, Secretario e don Gio. Delgado, in buona opinione del reperche prende in se molte colpe a sollevamento di S.M., Alberi, I. v. 360. 5. On the Juntade Nochesee Riba p. xxi, and Herrera, ii. 598. 6. BN, secci6n de manuscritos 2058, fo. I4. 7. AGS Quitaciones de Corte legs. io, 12, 26, 8, appointing Carlos de Ybarguen asAlvas official, and Diego L6pez de Gimez as Pradas, with the formula proveimos ynombramos, and Juan de Guevara as official with Prada, with the formula aprobamosansi mesmo por uno de los oficiales para que asistiese con el en el dicho oficio a Juande Guevara nuestro aposentador quel dicho Secretario Andres de Prada nos propuso.Alvas other official was Antonio de Irabien.
7I4 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR OctoberHere, surely, can be seen the beginnings of a bureaucraticrather than a proprietary conception of office: salaried officialsappointed by the Crown, an oath of honesty and secrecy, continuityof tenure, the clear prospect of systematic promotion, and, by theearly years of Philip IIIs reign, even a training scheme.1 Bartolomede Aguilar y Anaya was appointed first official in the department ofthe secretary of war for the sea, in January 1594, in satisfaction ofthe many years you have served me as secretary of the despatches ofmy fleets and of those of the captain-general of the troops in Portu-gal. In March 596, he was transferred as first official in the otherdepartment of war. Four years later, he became a royal secretary forlife, and, in I6o6, secretary of war for land. His career ended twentyyears later with promotion to the council of war itself.2 The breakwas never clear cut. Juan de Basarte, Delgados head clerk, hadserved continuously for thirty years in the papers of war, thoughhe died a pauper and had to be buried on credit.3 Martin Ochoa deZarate had worked for Delgado and Eraso before his formal employ-ment with Prada in I59I.4 But others found themselves destitute onthe death of their patrons,5 and, even after 1587, the second officialremained a creature of the secretary.6 Moreover, each secretarymust have needed more than two officials - Prada had at least twoextra servants in I 586, one of them Martin Ochoa de Zarate7 - andso continued to exercise a very personal influence over his own office. i. AGS GA leg. 712, consulta the council of war, 3 June I609, Por haver crescido ofla ocupacion en los officios de la guerra y ser justo que se bayan criando en ellospersonas de satisfaccion ... fue Vuestra Majestad servido de mandar sefialar veinticuatroescudos de sueldo al mes para dos officiales en cada officio por tiempo de tres afnosconque se fuesen avilitando y que a medida de la buena quenta que fuesen dando assi se lesacrescentase . . .. 2. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 9, under Bartolome de Aguilar y Anaya. He hadbegun his career in the service of the marquis of Santa Cruz, and, on the latters death,had been recommended by the king to the new captain general of the Ocean Sea, theduke of Medina Sidonia, Cesareo Fernandez Duro, La Armada Invencible,2 vols.(Madrid, I884-5), i. 431. 3. AGS GA leg. 411I, the council of war on a petition of Domingo de Arvide, aprotege of Basarte, 14 Jan. 1594. 4. AGS GA leg. 465, petition of Martin Ochoa de Zfrate, 9 Mar. I 596. 5. AGS GA leg. 209, petition of Ger6nimo de Gamboa, 25 Aug. I 587, ultimamentesirvio en este Consejo tiempo de dos afios en el de los Secretarios Juan Delgado yAntonio de Eraso en toda la jornada que Vuestra Majestad hizo a los Reinos de Aragony hasta que se hizo por Vuestra Majestad la provision de los Secretarios Andres de Alvay Praday sus nuevos officiales que quedo desacomodado y fuera del servicio de VuestraMajestad. 6. There were only two changes of secretary between 1586 and I6o6. Esteban deIbarra brought in a new second official in 1591, and Prada took his with him to thesecretaryship of state in i6oo; AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 12, note of appointmentof Diego de Ochandiano on the nomination of Ibarra, 30 Aug. 159i, and leg. I8,appointment of Francisco Lobo Castrillo, 5 Dec. 1599, with a marginal note saying thathe went with Pradato the secretariatof state and was replaced by Juan Castillo Albarado, 9 Mar. I600. 7. AGS GA leg. 191, 5 Aug. 1586, Dr. Pedro Morquecho, regidor Grand Canary, ofclaimed to have received a royal writ from Martin Ochoa de Zirate, criado of Secre-tary Prada.
1967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 715 By the spring of 1586, only Don Juan de Idiaquez of the pre-warcouncil was still with the king. A newer appointment, Don Juan de Zuniiga, comendador mayor de Castilla, was the only other formalmember of the council.1 According to Herrera, Don Crist6bal deMoura, the diplomat, seducer of Portugal and link with the newgovernment in Lisbon, also attended the council informally.2 Thecount of Barajas, councillor of state, president of Castile and of thecouncil of the Orders, probably participated in meetings of thecouncil of war as early as I584,3 but in neither case is there any conclusive evidence of their attendance before the autumn of 586.4Moreover, in November 1586, Ziuiiga sickened and died.5 It was inthese circumstances that the council was extended by the appoint-ment, in August 1586, of Don Alonso de Vargas and Don Juan deCardona, men of great experience in war, one on land, the other atsea,6 and by the return to the council of the marquis of Almazan fromthe viceroyalty of Navarre.7 Excluding Moura and Barajas, of thesix new councillors participating between 1586 and the end of thereign only one was also a member of the council of state, and onlytwo could be said to have had any close relationship with thegreater nobility. The impression that Philip was trying to extricatethe council of war from its association with an aristocratic anddilettante council of state is confirmed by the express exclusion fromthe council of war of the three new councillors of state appointed in1593, the marquis of Velada and the counts of Chinch6n andFuensalida, although this was clearly regarded as a surprising andpossibly unwelcome breach of precedent.8 I. Herrera, iii. 44, ya no avia en el Consejo de Guerra sino Don Juan de Zuniga yDon Juan de Idiaquez. The first appearance of the Comendador Mayornoted is I 5 Aug.I583, but from late I 58 until 1583, there is virtually no mention of the participants inthe councils papers. Only Zniiga, Idiaquez, the marquis of Aguilar and Don Francesde Alava seem to have been concerned with the council of war from 1583 onwards.Aguilar died on 23 Oct. 585, Garma, iv. 59. Alava died in Valencia, viniendo VuestraMajestad de Monzon (AGS GA leg. 298, the council of war, 20 Aug. 1598, on apetition of his son, Don Diego) probably in February 1586, when the imperialambassador received news of his illness, Juan Ruiz de A?agra to Khevenhiiller, ValenciaIo Feb. 1586, Haus-Hof und Staats Archiv, Vienna, Spanien Korrespondenz fasz. 12,fo. 245. 2. Herrera, iii. 44. 3. His monogram is attached to a cidulareal countersigned by Delgado and addressedto the purveyor and the superintendent of the fleet in Cartagena, 8 Dec. 1584, AGSGA leg. I73, fo. I44. 4. The first monogram of Barajasappears in a consulta 6 Aug. 1586, AGS GA leg. ofI90; that of Moura on 15 June 1587, GA leg. 209. According to Alfonso Danvila yBurguero, Don Cristdbalde Moura,PrimerMarquesde CastelRodrigo(r13 8-r16) (Madrid,I900), p. 714, Moura was made councillor of state and war in 1 587. 5. Herrera, iii. 45; Garma, iv. 63, says he died on I 7 Nov. 586. His last monogram ison a consulta 3 Oct. 586, AGS GA leg. 90. of 6. Herrera, iii. 44. 7. The first monograms of Cardona and Vargas appear on 6 Aug. 1586, Almazans on2 Dec. 1586, AGS GA leg. I90. 8. Herrera, iii. 406. The only explanation offered was that the king wanted the newcouncillors not to be burdened with military business so that they could devote moretime to other affairs.
7I6 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR October The six councillors of war were all distinguished soldiers withactive service records not only on the field of battle but also inmilitary government. Don Alonso de Vargas, whom Herrera calls acaptain famous for his brilliant exploits,1 was one of Spains greatmilitary leaders and a true professional soldier. Don Juan de Cardonahad been a member of the collateral council of Naples and, for sometwenty years, captain-general of the galleys, first of Sicily, then ofNaples.2 Don Hernando de Toledo, a natural son of the duke ofAlba, grand prior of Castile of the Order of St. John, viceroy andcaptain-general of Catalonia from 570 to I 580, had commanded thecavalry in the Netherlands when his father was governor there,and commanded it again when Portugal was invaded in 1580o.Don Pedro de Velasco, a fine gentlemen, a fine soldier, a fineminister, was an old soldier of Flanders, an ex-corregidor Badajoz, ofand captain of the kings Spanish Guard.4 Don Juan de Acufia Vela,appointed to the council in 595, was a brother of the archbishop ofBurgos and a relative of the counts of Buendia; a gentleman ofprudence and a good soldier, he had been inspector-general of thearmy in Flanders, and in 1586 succeeded Don Frances de Alava ascaptain-general of the artillery of Spain.5 The last of Philip IIscouncillors of war was Don Pedro de Padilla. A soldier since the ageof sixteen, over the course of thirty years he had risen from acaptaincy in Flanders, through services in Granada, Portugal and theAzores, to be maestrede campoof the tercio of Naples, governor andcaptain-general of Oran, castellan of Milan, general of the army inPiedmont, and governor of the duchy of Milan.6 A similar professionalization took place in the secretaryship.From I586, the tradition of bureaucrat secretaries that had pre-vailed throughout the century7 was broken by the appointment of i. Herrera, iii. 287. In 1574, he was made a councillor of war in the Netherlands, andappointed cavega y superior of all the companies of lancers, light horse, and mountedarqubusiers there. He appears as one of the protagonists in Francisco de Valdessdialogue, Espejoy DisciplinaMilitar, published in Brussels in I 589. Argensola says thatVargas had told him that de soldado de quatro escudos de paga habia Ilegado al mayorcargo de todos. Quoted in M. Mignet, AntonioPerez et PhilippeII, 5th edn. (Paris i88i),p. 280, n. 2. 2. Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Armada Espanola, 9 vols. (Madrid, I895-1903), ii. 452.He was made viceroy and captain-general of Navarre at the end of Philip IIs reign, andlived well into the reign of Philip III. 3. Luis Cabrera de C6rdoba, Felipe Segundo, de Espaia, 4 vols. (Madrid, I876-7), Reyii. 59, 596, iii. 23I, 250. His first recorded appearance in the council was on io Mar.1587, AGS GA leg. 209. He died in October 159I, B.M. Add. MS. 28375, fo. 287. 4. Cabrera,iii. 250, ii. 192, 632. His first monogram is dated 7 Aug. 1587. 5. Ibid. iii. 205, i. 483. His first monogram in the council of war is on 23 Aug. I595,AGS GA leg. 437. He had been captain general of the artillery since 30 Aug. I586,Jorge Vig6n, Historia de la Artilleria Espanola, 3 vols. (Madrid, I947), iii. 286. 6. AGS GA leg. 552, request of Padilla for confirmation of his castellanship of theAlhambra of Granada, granted to him by Philip II, 3 Jan. 1599. Cabrera,ii. I 7 calls himcaballero de esfuerzo y consejo. His first monogram on a consulta dated 7 May I 597, isGA leg. 499, but he had already signed a cidulareal on 29 Mar. I597, GA leg. 50I. 7. Cabrera,ii. 453 of Philip II no siendo para con el suficiente secretario sino el quese habia criado en los papeles, teniendo las Secretarfaspor Seminario .. ..
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 7I7Andres de Prada and Andres de Alva. Prada since 568 had workedwith the papers of Don John of Austria in all his campaigns in theLevant, in Granada and in Flanders; and when Don John died hecontinued in the service of the prince of Parma.1 Alva, who hadserved at sea since his youth, first appears in I5 63 with the renewal ofhis title as comptroller of the galleys of Italy.2 From February 568,he served continuously and actively as inspector of the galleys ofSpain, and, for some time after I 80, he was also concerned withtheir provisioning.3 Alva was succeeded, in I59I, by Esteban deIbarra, the purveyor-general of the fleets in Lisbon, an ex-secretary ofthe duke of Alba, and a man who had been connected with pro-visioning in Portugal since 580.4 Not until I606 were the secretariesagain drawn from the ranks of the central bureaucracy. As a consequence of these changes, the ministry of war becamenot only a more expert and a more responsible, but also a moreactive body. In I5 74, when it was thought necessary to send out aperson of quality from this Court to act as purveyor of the fleetassembled in Santander under Pero Menendez de Aviles, because ofits size and importance and in order to give great despatch toeverything, it was doubted whether the purveyor and commissary-general, Francisco de Ibarra of the council of war, was either willingor capable of the task. Delgado suggested that the business is ofsuch a quality as would suffer to be sent on it one of Your Majestyscouncil of state.5 During the Portuguese campaign, the only mem-bers of the council of war taking active part were the duke of Alba,resurrected from disgrace for the,occasion, and the captain-generalof the artillery, Don Frances de Alava.6 The contrast with the newcouncil could not be clearer. In I588, Andres de Alva was sent totake over personal direction of the preparations in Corunna, andDon Juan de Cardona ordered to Santander to take charge of all theaffairs of the fleet and the ships, mariners and soldiers at present inthe ports of Vizcaya, Galicia and Asturias .. ..7 In I 589, the council i. Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Indiferente General leg. 1096, petition ofPrada through the council of the Indies, 30 Oct. I 580; BN secci6n de manuscritos 3207,fo. 20, relation of Simone Contarini to the Republic of Venice, I605, es hombre dechristianidad perfecto, tiene mucha platica en negocios desde los tiempos de Don Juande Austria y el Duque de Alva; es capaz de las materias y bien sabioso trato, limpio ylibre de interes .. .. 2. Herrera, iii. 43; AGS GA leg. 174, fo. 39, x8 July 5I63. 3. AGS GA leg. 72, fo. 93, his instructions as veedor the galleys of Spain, 29 Feb. of1568; GA leg. 173, fo. 187, order for Antonio de Guevara and Andres de Alva to raiseprovisions for the galleys, 4 Mar. 1584. 4. Cabrera,iii. 572; AGS GA leg. o08, fo. 42; GA leg. 300, a paper of 30 Aug. I590describes him as Proveedor General de las Armadas que el Rey junta en estos Reinos(i.e. Portugal) por quenta de Castilla. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 13, title as secre-tary of war, 21 Aug. 1 59. 5. AGS GA leg. 78, fos. I69 and 152:2, Delgado to Philip II, undated. 6. Julian Suarez Inclan, Guerra de Anexidn en Portugal durante el Reinado de DonFelipe II, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1897-8), ii. 380, appendix 8. 7. Archivo HistdricoEspaiol, ii. 249; BN secci6n de manuscritos 2058, copy of Car-donas commission, 588.
7I8 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberrecommended the appointment of Don Alonso de Vargas as captain-general of the cavalry, and Andres de Alva as purveyor and com-missary-general, to join Don Hernando de Toledo in command ofthe force to combat the English landings in Galicia and Portugal.1Two years later, Don Alonso de Vargas was given command of thearmy of Aragon, and Esteban de Ibarra made purveyor-general.2 In 1596, Don Pedro de Velasco was named general of an army to beraised for the recapture of Cadiz; but the English sailed away beforeit was needed.3 The emergence of a council of war both more professional andmore self-contained was paralleled by the specialization of itsfunctions within the governmental system as a whole. In 1593, theappointment of military comptrollers was withdrawn from the council of war and restored to the council of finance from whom ithad been removed twenty years earlier.4 The following year, in anattempt to speed up the administration of justice, the council of warlost its regular judicial powers to a small committee of alcaldesdecorte, judges attached to the royal household.5 At the same time,there are indications that the position of the council of war as anadministrative body was becoming more clearly recognized andmore precisely defined. Duties over the regulation of foreign trade,that earlier had been performed by the council of state, seem by I 588 to have been dealt with by the council of war. A case involvingan Irish merchant arrested as an English spy in 1589 was seen theother day in the council of state, where it seemed a matter morepertinent to the council of war than to that of state.6 Somethingsimilar was happening in its relations with the council of the Indies.The casa de contratacidnof Seville was ordered to purchase gun-powder for the Indies fleets not on its own account but through theappropriate military authorities.7 The claim of the captain-general ofthe artillery, that the council of the Indies observe with him the formthat is observed in that of war, was also upheld.8 This process ofself-assertion was brought to a strident climax in the first month of I. GA AGS leg. 262, fo. 205, consultaof the council of war, 12 May I589; and fo.232, Philip IIs selection of the captain-general, 9 May 1589. 2. Aparici, i. I i. 3. Archivo Municipal de Sevilla, Papeles Importantes Siglo XVI libro 2, no. 2,cidula real to Seville, I8 July 1596, and duke of Medina Sidonia to Seville, Jerez de laFrontera, I5 July 1596. 4. Clause 14 of the ordinances of the council of finance, the contaduria mayor dehacienda, the contaduria and mayorde cuentas, Nov. 1593, AGS GA leg. 388; GA leg. 77, 20fo. 89, copy of a cidula 2 Dec. 1 573. of 5. AGS GA leg. 411, a consulta the council of war, 8 Apr. I 594, says that judicial ofbusiness has been held up for some months because the assessor was indisposed; B.M.Add. MS. 28373, fo. 121, copy of the Comision que se dio a los Alcaldes del Crimenpara conoscer de los pleytos de la gente de guerra, 2 May 594. 6. AGS GA leg. 263, fo. 230, Francisco de Idiaquez to Andres de Alva, 20 Dec. 1589. 7. AGS GA leg. I90, cedulareal, 5 Nov. I586. 8. AGS GA leg. 365, consultaof the council of war, 4 Mar. 1594.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 7I9Philip IIIs reign, when the council protested that it was in thecouncil of war where all matters of war, that arise in these king-doms ... should be dealt with.... The council begs Your Majestycommand that such action be taken that the respect due to thiscouncil be preserved, and that the regulations, recommendations,and despatches of war and related matters of whatever sort ... passthrough this council, without any other tribunal having any say intheir provisionl; and, in January 1599, the king agreed that allresolutions of the military committee for the Indies, the junta deguerra de Indias, should be passed on to the council of war forrevision.2 It is easy to exaggerate. In the I59os, difficulties stillexisted with the council of the Indies, with the council of finance,with the council of Castile. Nevertheless, the overall impression is ofa council of war confirmed in its administrative and militaryfunctions, more specialized, and more self-confident. It certainlyseems to have achieved a sudden and rather startling degree ofdignity. Don Alonso de Vargas is said to have turned down thecaptaincy-general of Portugal because he was refused permission toremain covered in the presence of the viceroy, the kings nephew,the Archduke Albert of Austria, as he thought this was an indignityfor a councillor of war.3 VI By I 586, the council of war was so small that an increase of mem-bership was inevitable. There are no patents of appointment. DonAlonso de Vargas and Don Juan de Cardona first appear in consultasin August 1586. The marquis of Almazan returned in December, andthe first monograms of the prior Don Hernando de Toledo, DonCrist6bal de Moura and Don Pedro de Velasco are to be foundbetween March and August 1587. There were no new appointmentsuntil I 59 5. The council of the later I 8os was certainly no larger thanthe nominal council of the 1570s, though it may have been betterattended, and by the end of 1596 it was for some seven monthsreduced to only three members.4 Nor did it meet more frequently.5Its activity alone gives little indication of the great mass of businessthere was to deal with. But it was shielded against extraordinarydemands by the reduction of its authority in fiscal and judicialmatters, and by the increased use of separate juntas. The primary I. AGS GA leg. 527, minute of a consulta the council of war, 6 Oct. I598. of 2. Ibid. 3. Herrera, iii. 137. 4. Barajas, Almazan and the Prior all died in 1591. Vargas was dead by 19 July I595,and Cardona, appointed to the viceroyalty of Navarre, does not seem to have attendedthe council after 2 Oct. I595. Velasco, though he did not die until I598 (Cabrera, iv.287), does not appear in the records after the middle of July 1596. 5. BN secci6n de manuscritos 2058, fo. 14, instructions to the secretaries, 13 JuneI586 - Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.
720 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR October characteristic of the junta was the diversity of its membership andthe ad hoc nature of its business.3 It was, therefore, the quasi-institutionalized solution to problems of a temporary or irregularnature that fell somewhere between the competence of two or more councils. More often than not, the junta was an ephemeral creation set up to consider one specific problem, on which occasion members of the council of war would be brought together with others of the councils of Castile, finance, the Indies, or even with private persons,whenever specialist interests or knowledge was required. Where theproblem it was set to solve turned out to be of a more permanentkind, thejunta developed a procedural stability that brought it very close to being classed as a council.2 The regular juntas, and to someextent the occasional ones as well, were, in a consultative sense,practically independent units. What the council of war shouldcontrol is the general and the ordinary, declared the king, and notspecific matters that may arise. These it is not necessary for it toknow. . ..3 The number ofjuntas at any one time varied, but duringthe mid-5 70osthere were only three that were in any sense perma-nent. One, thejunta de visitas, was a recurrent body of councillors ofwar and legal assessors meeting whenever necessary as a court ofrevision and appeal, and this must have survived until the reform of 1594. Another was thejunta degaleras, which was responsible for thewhole economic government of the galleys of Spain and Italy andfor the resolution of private petitions relating to them. This com-mittee also remained in existence throughout the reign. The third,the junta de Indias, was really only beginning to come into existencein the later 57os0 order to deal with the defence of the Indies and inthe Indies trade.4 Only from the end of 1583, with the establishmentof thejunta de Puertorrico, does the military committee for the Indiesbecome a fully regular and formalized institution. From 159I, it wascomposed exclusively of councillors of the Indies, until it was super-seded, possibly from 597 but definitely from 6oo, by the junta deguerra de Indias, which once again had members co-opted from thecouncil of war.5 In 1594, an Atlantic equivalent of thejunta degalerasmade its first appearance, the junta de la Armada del Mar Oceano,6more commonly known at the end of the reign as the junta dearmadas.It included the presidents of the Indies and of finance, andat least one member of the council of war, assisted maybe by both i. Lewis Hanke, Un Manuscrito Desconocido de Antonio de Le6n Pinelo, Boletinde la Real Academiade la Historia, cxii ( 943), 6o. 2. Hanke, p. 59. 3. AGS GA leg. 88, fo. I25, reply of Philip II to Delgado, 12 Feb. 1578. 4. Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Indiferente General leg. 738, consultaof thecouncil of the Indies, 26 May 1576; AGS GA leg. 82, fo. 169, Delgado to Philip II, 21Oct. 1577, on thejunta and referring back to juntas on 3I July and 25 Aug. 1575 on thesame business; GA leg. 88, fo. I25, Delgado to Philip II, 12 Feb. 1578, refers to los dela Junta de Yndias. By the end of 1579, its scope had been extended to cover not onlythe defence but also the prompt departure of the fiotas, Schafer, ii. 375, n. 40. 5. Schafer, i. 170, 171, 204; Hanke, p. 38. 6. Schaifer,i. I70.
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 721the secretariats of war and the Indies. By 6Io5, it was meeting atfixed hours and was itself being forced into changes of routine bythe increased pressure of business.2 In 16o4, another military junta,the junta defdbricas, was established on a permanent basis, meetingthree times a week, to supervise the construction of ships, ordnanceand munitions.3 The extension of the system of juntas in the lastyears of the sixteenth century, specifically to meet the demands ofthe Atlantic war, and the enormous proliferation ofjuntas during thefirst half of the following century,4 while diverting a great deal ofmilitary business from the council of war, was itself a major aspect ofthe growth and specialization of the administrative machinery of war. For seventy years the office of secretary of war had remainedunchanged. Then, from i May I586, because of the quantity ofbusiness that ordinarily there is in our council of war and for someother just causes, the secretariat was divided into sections corres-ponding to land and sea, and Andres de Prada appointed to theone and Andres de Alva to the other.5 As to the other just causes,we can only conclude, with Herrera, that in the light of the invasionplans the department of war seemed a very large machine to be runby one man, and for the purposes he was contemplating it would inthe future need to be even larger.6 The creation of a secondsecretariat is a striking indication of the expansion of the adminis-tration of war. But very little is known of the number of clerksemployed by each secretary, apart from the two assistants who werepaid by the king. By 1599, there were certainly two other unsalariedofficials in each department of the secretariat, but the scantiness ofthe information before 1580 makes it difficult to assess with anycertainty the growth of the minor officials of the council.7 From themiddle of I5 84, two constables of the royal household drew salariesfor helping with the councils judicial business. A solicitador,whosejob was to find out from the treasury departments on what revenuesmilitary expenses had been assigned, was given a formal position andsalary in 1586, after acting in an unofficial capacity for five years, and i. Garma, iv. 52; AGS GA leg. 440, note of secretary Juan de Ibarra of the councilof the Indies to Prada, 23 July I595. 2. AGS GA leg. 3145, consulta the junta de armadas,26 Oct. I605. of 3. AGS GA leg. I30o, copy of a royal order para que se haga la Junta de Fabricasde Navios, 14 Jan. 1604. 4. See Crist6bal Espejo, Enumeraci6n y atribuciones de algunas juntas de la adminis-traci6n espafiola desde el siglo XVI hasta el afio I8oo, Revistade la Biblioteca, ArchivoyMuseo,Ayuntamiento de Madrid, viii (I931), pp. 353-54, 357, 361. 5. AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 26, cddulareal on the appointment of Juan deGuevara as official of Secretary Prada, 3 Feb. I 587. 6. Herrera, iii. 43. 7. AGS GA leg. 553, minute of a consulta the council of war, 3 Nov. 1599, on a ofpetition of Andres de Mallea, one of two officials of Ibarra que sirven sin sueldo cercade su persona. GA leg. 3145, consulta the Junta de Armadas, 20 Dec. I6o6, talks of ofthree officials in the secretariat of war (sea), on top of the two who drew the kingswages. VOL. LXXXIT- NO. CCCXXV zz
722 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octobera similar solicitador the artillery appears in 1587.1 Yet another post forof solicitador,to deal with the petitions of soldiers, was created in1599.2 For about twenty years from the early I 570s, there had beenonly one porter dealing with the councils of state, war, camara,andfinance, as well as with severaljuntas; but he was assisted by his twosons who were given occasional recompense. When he died, therewere for a short time three acting porters, and by the end of thecentury two had been officially recognized, were receiving salaries,and had had their functions limited to the councils of war and state.3The officials themselves continually complained that they were beingoverworked. According to them, the clerks of the accounts officehad only to work two hours in the morning and two in the afternoon;those in the ministry of war had to work the whole of every daythroughout the year, including holidays.4 Even the council recog-nized that the duties of the clerks of the secretariat were the mostonerous in the Court.5 The institutionalhistory of the council of war adds a new dimensionto the significance of the Armada campaign. With an excessive con-centration on Spains external exploits, it has possibly not beensufficiently realized how administratively unprepared for a war ofsuch a scale Spain was in the early 58os. It might also suggest thatto see the Armada as the outcome of a deliberate and long-conceived imperialist phase of Spanish foreign policy, rather thanan ad hocresponse to the hostility of the other Atlantic powers to thenew geo-political conditions created by the addition of the Portu-guese empire to Philips domains, is an interpretation that does notsquare easily with the remoulding of the central agencies of militaryadministration, not effectively undertaken until I586. As late as i. AGS GA leg. i90, petition of Francisco de Ofiate, i9. Nov. I586; ContaduriaMayor de Cuentas IIa epoca leg. 465, accounts of Juan de Portillo; GA leg. 552, petitionof Sebastian de Trevinio, 6 Oct. 1598. 2. AGS GA leg. 552, minute of a consulta the council of war, 5 Feb. 1599, sobre el ofoficio de solicitador de los soldados en la Corte. 3. AGS GA leg. 466, consulta the council of war, 28 Feb. I596, on a petition of ofMiguel de Ayllon, portero del Consejo de Estado y Guerra, Gaspar de Espinosa, andDiego de Olesa, his companions; GA leg. 553, consultaof the council of war, 4 Nov.1599, says that the king had ordered a salary to be fixed for the porters, in June.Previously they had received only exgratia payments. GA leg. 569, consulta the council ofof war, 5 Jan. i 6oo, declares that the porterships of the council of war are separate fromotros porteros del numero y que como tales nunca los mayordomos mayores los nomb-raron ni mudaron a otros Tribunales ni tubieron que ver con ellos sino que sienpresirvieron en los Consejos de Estado y Guerra y estubieron a su orden . . .. 4. AGS GA leg. 465, minute of a consulta the council of war, 20 May 1596, on a ofpetition of Martin Ochoa de Zarate; GA leg. 527, minute of a consulta petitions of onBartolome de Aguilar and Juan Ruiz de Velasco, 20 Nov. 1598; GA leg. 465, minute ofa consulta 22 Mar. 1596, Francisco Enrfquez, escrivano de camara de Vuestra Majestad ofen los negocios de guerra, says he spends his whole salary of Io,ooo maravedis year on apaper alone. 5. AGS GA leg. 527, minute of a consulta the council of war, 20 Nov. 1598. of
I967 IN THE REIGN OF PHILIP II 723 October I1 85, when Delgado died, none of the changes thought so necessary the following spring were apparently considered. HadEraso lived longer, reform could not have come about as it did.The long delay of at least three months before his successors tookoffice is indication enough that this was a period in which policy wasbeing formulated, not merely put into effect. But 1586 is a watershed in another and more important sense.Not until now does the council of war reveal that anti-aristocraticand pathologically bureaucratic bias that is supposed to havecharacterized Philip IIs government. Philip was much more politicthan that; as long as the council did very little, it could continue tobe an aristocratic enclave, the source of a modicum of dignity and anadditional title. The scale and complexity of the invasion plans.however, called for extensive functional reforms within the adminis-tration of war. The Armada thus provided the incentive for a sharpreorientation of the whole concept of government service. Theexperience of the council of war cannot be considered typical, for ithad always been one of the least formalized of the councils, but itdoes suggest that it was not until late in the sixteenth century thatthe Crown was beginning to conceive of the agencies of governmentnot merely as individual administrative tools but as integral partsof a monarchical state-system. I1586marks the moment of a transitionfrom a feudal and proprietary concept of office as an honour, aright and a personal possession, to a concept of office as a careerbased on merit and specialist knowledge, and formalized by a directand maybe salaried relationship to the state. There was no pressingtechnical reason for the change in the standing of the lesser officials,a development that, as far as can be seen, was not anticipated byeither of the more professional councils about which we know most,the councils of Italy and the Indies; in many instances there was nochange of personnel and for some, at least, no change in their mannerof preferment. All that was altered was their title and their status.At the same time, the kings unrestricted freedom to appoint withoutbeing tied by either custom or prescription was asserted by Philip IIsignoring what had come to be regarded as the ex officio right of thecaptain-general of the artillery to a place on the council, in much thesame way as membership of the council of state was by itself nolonger permitted to be a sufficient warrant for entry into the councilof war. Acufia Vela, the new captain-general in 1586, had to waitnine years before he was elevated to councillorship. In the fully-fledged absolutist philosophies of the seventeenth century, theappointment and the choice of ministers was considered an im-prescriptible mark of sovereignty, a prerogative and an attributepeculiar to the supreme majesty of the Prince. The undermining i. J. A. Maravall, La philosophie au politiqueespagnole XVII siecledansses rapportsavecIespritde la Contre-Reforme (Paris, I955), p. i82.
724 THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF WAR Octoberof the honorific nature of the council of war and of the proprietaryand informal character of the lesser officials seems to be a consciousattempt to approximate administrative practice to the precepts ofabsolutist theory. The process, of course, was neither complete nor unequivocal.In the succeeding reign, the membership of the council reflectsmuch more Philip IIIs personal favouritisms than technicalexpertise1; but this was a fate that seventeenth-century Courtpolitics imposed on the whole administration. Yet much of whathad taken place in Philip IIs last years survived. By the early partof the seventeenth century the council of war had at last achieved astatus sufficiently formulated to be able to ensure freedom frominterference by the council of state, which was to allow matters tofollow their ordinary course.2 The secretariat, having been brieflyreunited for six years from i6oo, was once again divided, this timepermanently; and if, after I6o6, the secretaries were again drawndirectly from the ranks of the central administration, they hadnevertheless generally had an initial training in military governmentin the field before their promotion to subordinate posts in thesecretariat.3 While the clerks remained personal servants of thesecretary, the only career lay through the secretarys householdand isolation from the problems of practical experience. Withoutthe kings intervention in the appointment of lesser officials inI587, this interaction between the practice of military administra-tion in the field and the war department in Madrid could not havecome about. Bureaucratization was the essential prerequisite of expertgovernment. But it was not an unmixed blessing. Bureaucratization i. Immediately on his accession, Philip III expanded the council by at least a dozennew members, the large majority of them noblemen. A consulta the council of war, 5 ofJan. I 599, shows present the duke of Medina Sidonia, the marquis of Denia, the countsof Castel Rodrigo (Don Crist6bal de Moura), Chinch6n, Fuensalida, Fuentes, Mirandaand Punioenrostro,the comendador mayordeLion (Don Juan de Idiaquez), the adelantado deCastilla, the bayliode Lora, Don Juan de Acufia Vela, Don Bernardino de Velasco andDon Luis EnrIquez. Other members of the council included the constable of Castile,the marquises of Velada and San Germadn, the count of Olivares. Commenting on a andsimilar spate of appointments to the council of state, the Imperial ambassador remarked, . . . bien creo su padre no pusiera tantos grandes en el. lo demas dira el tiempo,Khevenhiiller to the Emperor, Madrid, 2I Jan. 1599, Haus-Hof und Staats Archiv,Vienna, Spanien Korrespondenz fasz. 13, fo. 5. 2. B.M. MS. Egerton 3 9, fo. 93, minute of a consulta the council of war, 26 Aug. ofI626. 3. Bartolome de Aguilar y Anaya (secretary of war - land, i6o6) had earlier beensecretary of the captains-general in Lisbon. (AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 9). Hissuccessor, Pedro de Arze (I626), had served twenty-eight years in the Armada of theOcean Sea, two of them as acting-purveyor, and had gone with the expedition toLarache in charge of the finances. (AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 36; GA leg. 552).Martin de Ar6ztegui (secretary of war - sea, i 6i 2) was previously inspector-general of thethe Armada of the Ocean Sea, and earlier comptroller of troops in San Sebastian andFuenterrabfa. (AGS Quitaciones de Corte leg. 33; Consejo y Juntas de Hacienda leg.274 [ant. 385], consulta the council of finance, 21 Nov. 599). of