REFLECTIONS
On

CAUSES

the

Rise

The

Fall

and

OF T H

of

E

ROMAN EMPIRE;
Tranflatcd from the French of

M.

DE

E C...
X /*^

/
THE
L O G

E

E

OF
DE MONTESQ.UIEU.

M.

Tranflated from the

DE MAUPERTUIS.

M.

From

Ti

French of

the

MONTHLY

REVI...
Elo G

V

E

n

the French academicians, to celebrate their

Members

deceafed

and

ric;

in this

academy

at Berlin

;
...
M.
fbme

v

Montesquieu.

i^E

meafiirc, to invade the rights of thofd

nations to which they

more immediately

longed. B...
Elogeon

vi

eyes on the

caft their

When

QuiEu.

many

fublime and juft;

when they

his penetration to

have been a

t...
'

M.
he quitted

D'E

Montesquieu.

his charge;

Vii

fo excellent

which, in

a m^giflrate, would have been inexculable,...
EL

viii

i.

Lord Waldegrave,

riend,

Vienna and
;

N

G E

In his

after feeing alfo

embafly to

Hungary, Italy,

Swit...
M. DE MoNTESaUlEU.

ix

of that
applied himfelf fojcly to the fludy
fcience,

which

is,

of

all

others, tlie moll:

His...
X

Elog eon

nation, as the

mod

difficult

to

thing,

it

People

not be, to
!

degree foever

fenfe,

to

may be

it

...
M. DE Monte sQ,urEU.
is

equally diriributed to every

xi

member of the

community; Monarchy where the power
j

is

cente...
EL

Xli

nature of

the

G E

O N

M. Montesquieu's

(li(lin<rtly vifible;

fonl

is

of mankind,
and his fentihappinefs,
...
M. DE MoNTESQ,UIEU.

xlii

formed by the human

than will ever be
genius.

We

cx)nfers,

Montesquieu,

fa^^s

in

our Ora...
ELbG

XIY

E

ON

which, to a man of his

tions,

fincerity,

wquli

have been extremely mortifying^ Yet, r.fcer
a long, a...
M. DE Montesquieu.
compofitions.
is

no enemy

No

They

xv

prove to us, that wifdom

to mirth.

Mr. Maiipertuis. had

(b...
E

XVI

of gratitiule, and

L O G E
if I

N

O

may be

allowed to fay

with what joy, I learn, by
yonr letter,
academy ha...
Monte SQ.UIEU.

M. DE

of feeing you again.

may

attribute

fence, but

to

know'not whether I

I

moral or

my

foul

my...
EL

XVlli

GE

ON

ber, have been frequent witnefs of the

im-

patience with which he was always expelled,
and the univer...
M. DE
her name upon

M ONTESQ.UIEU.

XlX

(M. Montes*'

this occafion

QuiEu's memory would lofe too much were
I not to na...
Elogeon

XX

he would join the converfation, His fit u at to
he

me, was

told

ji',

cruel, but not without

caufes ofcon...
M. DE MoNTESQ,UIEU.
of Cortonne he
friend

is

XXl

worthily replaced by his

Mr. Condainine."

This, Gentfemen,

is

the ...
i

flS"
(

XXlll

)

CONTENTS.
Chap,
I.

I,

THE

inftincy

it

II.

III.

IV.

Of

of Rome* 2. The "wars
Page 25

fuftained.
the ...
CONTENTS.

XXIV

XVII. Changes in the flate.
Page i 68
XVIII, An account of fame tievj maxims received
i7<)
hy the^ Romans...
REFLECTIONS
On

the

CAUSES

of

The Rise and Fall
O

THE

F

ROMAN

EMPIRE.

CHAPTER
I

.

The Infancy of Rome. 2

E

mnf...
The Rise and

26
flill

raife,

ed under

Fall

the greateft idea of

its

of the

power, were form-

kings. They began al...
Roman Empire.
The
very

reign of

-well

tj

pacific,

;

and had

their territory in that

confined, and their

lefs

pow...
The Rise and

2,8

Fall

of the

neceflarily either ibake oiF the yoke, or foften the

afperity

of

From

their

manners....
Roman Empire,

29

vhim and caprice
to the reputation of thit monarch

fubje£t, as all others are, to the

of fortune

:

...
The Rise and

^6

was pretty near

Fall

the fame with that

of the
now prai^ifcd

among the inhabitants of LefTer Tartary...
Roman Empire.

31

the military arts : in tranfient wsrs
knowlege
mod of the examples are loft ; peace fuggefls difin

fer...
The Rise and

32

different nations that

Fall

were often

of the

at variance,

had I

*

pretty feparate interefts.

Th...
Roman Empire.
Had

the Pv.omans

neighbouring

cities,

33

made a rapid conqiieH: of
they would have been in a

th

-

de...
"The

34

Rise and Fall of the

and forced to

alTociate in

the {a) wars which the

Romans waged.
was manifeaiy feen,
dia...
Roman Empire.
felves

this

;

35

engaged the Tufcans to form new

al-

liances; and prompted the Samnites, the mo(l:m<ir...
The Rise and Tai^l cf the
heavy body is not able to execute, the Romans

36
a

would have the legion include vithin itfeif...
Roman Empire.
extremes of

idlenefs, than

37

which nothhig can pof-

be more deftructive.

(ibly

of what authors (a) re...
Fall

The Rise and

38

a people no

of the

martial than themfeives?

Manlius
methods oF ilrengthening the
upon
command i...
R

M AN Empire.

o

39

naturally endued with courage, or in other words,
with that virtue which a feniibility of our own
...
T^he

40

Rise and Fall of the

As no troops in the world were, in any age, fo
well difciplined, it was hardly pofFible th...
Roman Empire.
their

own

for

it.

They

41

baffled all the art

of the

moli experienced pilots, by the invention of an...
Fall

The Rise and

42

of the

the different fituation of things, we fhould bellcvf,
in perufing antient hiftory, that we...
Roman Empire.

43

before the corruption of the ftate, the original revenues of it were divided among the foldiers, that

...
Fall

7^^ Rise and

44

of the

(a) Agis and Cleomenes obferving,

of thirty thoufand

citizens, (for fo

that infiead"

m...
Roman

E m

p

r Er

i

45

or be expofed to fee yourfelves difpoiTelTed by the
<nemy, of thofe very lands which you refuf...
The Rise and

46

Fall

of the

was obliged to begin the war of Macedow
from his inability to maintain any longer the
nia,...
Roman Empire.

47

an univerfal ruin muft enfue; the laws are
then eluded more dangeroufly, than they are inthis cafe

fri...
The Rise and

48
and

Fall

of the

would themfelves

difTolutenefs, the people

tran-

fact all things.

Carth:.ge, in ya...
Roman Empire.

45

merely as fomany inftruments for future triumphs;
they made foldiers of the feveral people they conquer...
Fall

^he Rise and

50

of the

many bulwarks. The Romans were

fo

doned by one of
nae ; the reafon

of

Italy

Is,

neve...
Roman Empire,

51

tiiem, they were confidered as their deliverers ; and
if we refle£l upon the immenfe fums it cofl: the ...
The Rise and

52

Fall

of f be

troduce any change on this occailon,
as they fought in Greece.
In the

fuch time

Punic w...
Roman Empire.

53

As

the ancients ufed nothing but galleons, the
lighter vefiels eafily broke the oars of the greater

o...
Fall

54

^he Rise and

won by

DuilHus the conful

:

the

of the
Romans were

to-

ignorant of navigation, when a Cartha...
Roman Empire.
to
gard to Pyrrhus,

whom

they refufed

all

55
terms of

accommodation, till fuch time as he fhould leave
...
The Rise and

56

Some

things are afTerted

have been afTerted once

:

Fall
by
it

all
is

oftbe

,

men, becaufe they
t...
R

M A

O

E M

N

P

R

I

E.

^y

Conqueils are eauly
arm}^ by piece-meal.
atchieve them Vv'ith our whole
made, bccaufe ...
Fall

The Rise and

58

of the

ans were forced to recal from Italy Hnnnlbal,

who

for grief at his
furrendermg to the Ro...
Roman Empire.
a treaty with Hannibal, yet very

little

^g

refulted

from

it; and this monarch, who gave the Carthaginia...
6o

I'he

Rise and Fall of the

troublefome neighbours or defenders. The Boeotians, who were the moft heavy people of all ...
Roman Empire.
They

indeed had been

terrified

by the

firft

6i
Philip,

by Alexander, and by Antipater, but not fubdued...
62

The Rise and

Fall

of the

either to bribe the
principal niagiflrates of cities, to
raife a mid before the
eyes of na...
Roman Empire.
delivered

up

his fliips,

63

and bound himfelf under an

a ihoufand talents in ten year^.
obligation of p...
^he Rise and

64

Fall

of the

tbemfclves under fubjetlion^ were feized with the
deepeft grief; and as they had always fo...
Roman

E m

p

i

r

e.^

65

though thcfe reigned over but part of the
formed the dominions of thofe two
provinces which
...
The Rise and Fall of the
the common people and the foldiers,

66
infefted

and:

catched the very Romans themfelves ; finc...
Roman Empire.
ed to the

67

mofl infamous treaty that ever was con-

cluded by Co mighty a prince.
I cannot recollect any...
7he Rise

68
thing

more

ajtd

Fall

of the

pernicious in politics than fuch

of rucceffion ; for

an ordef

as all the ...
Roman Empire,
degrees as a

fenfible

maxim, with

69

refpe^l to all the

of Greece, that they fhould not conclude any
or...
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Rise And Fall of The Roman Empire, Free eBook

  1. 1. REFLECTIONS On CAUSES the Rise The Fall and OF T H of E ROMAN EMPIRE; Tranflatcd from the French of M. DE E C O S N D A T, Baron de Montesquieu. THE FOURTH EDITION. To which is added, THE ELOGE OF M. D E M O N T E By M. ,d e Mau S p e a J rtu E U, I I s. GLASGOW: Printed by Robert U r MDCCLYIII, » rl i e.
  2. 2. X /*^ /
  3. 3. THE L O G E E OF DE MONTESQ.UIEU. M. Tranflated from the DE MAUPERTUIS. M. From Ti French of the MONTHLY REVIEW. Authors of the Monthly Review. the Gentlemen, SINCE to my you were pleafed to give a place in firfl letter, yonr Supplement the Reviews of the pad year, I raged to proceed in reign books as your may my am to encou- abfta£ls of fuch fo- deferve the attention of readers. -" I have lately met with nothing more remarkable than a fmall Pamphlet, bearing this title — /J^r Af. I!,loge de Monfteur (/^MoNTESQur u, Maupertuis. Hambourg, 72 mo. It has always been the laudible cuitom of rt^d' A 2
  4. 4. Elo G V E n the French academicians, to celebrate their Members deceafed and ric; in this academy at Berlin ; tesquieu belonged. that M. Maiipertuis academy ; in an eloge, or panegy- they are imitated by the royal which the great MonI need not inform yon, to is the prefident of that nor are you unacquainted with his flime in the mathematical world. If your readers, fuchof them, I mean, as underftand the French language, are inclined to fee fe- veral excellent orations of this kind, I will recommend nelle, to them, thofe of M. deFonte- which are printed with the reft of his works. As the moft minute intelligence concerning , the lives or writings of great men, will always engage the attention of the Literati, fo there are, doubtlefs, many of your readers who will not be difpleafed with me for extending my account of this little volume, beyond limits which, to fome, Our it the may feem to require. '' It author thusbegins his oration.— not, fays he, the cuftom of this academy, to lament the death of her foreign members is in a particular panegyric: this would be, in
  5. 5. M. fbme v Montesquieu. i^E meafiirc, to invade the rights of thofd nations to which they more immediately longed. But there are men to the reft of mankind, a better claim to To that much be- fuperior no one nation has them than another as they be given to the whole universe. ^¥e, then, claim our right in common with feem ; to the reft of .the world. If any thing could prevent our attempting the praifes of M. de Montesquieu, it v/ould be, the greatnefs of the fubje£l, and the confcioufnefs of our own Every infufiicieiiCy. other academy, however, that was honoured with his name, vvill not fail to do juftice memory, and they may more to his happily acquit themfelvesof ihetaik, than wefhall. But it is impoiTible to fpeak too places, of a to fcience, much, or in too many man, who was fo great an honour and to humanity; nor can often prelent the image of a we too Montesquieu, age, when men of letters feem fo regardof morals; in an age, when they have in an lefs endeavoured too to perfuade much fuccefs, mankind, that the virtues v/ith but of the mind and of the heart are incompatible. Let theni A 3
  6. 6. Elogeon vi eyes on the caft their When QuiEu. many fublime and juft; when they his penetration to have been a they will then, perhaps, that vice virtues u- , J whofe underftanding was both nited in a man, man, of Montes- chara<5i:er they find fo is tihe find a man of fl:ri<Slly moral be convinced, natural efFe6l of an imperfe£l underflanding. M. Montesquieu was 1689, in the Chateau de born la in the year Brede, within three leagues of Bourdeaux, of an ancient and He noble family. from his infancy, The firft work, applied himfelf, almoft to the fludy produfl of his civil law; early genius was, a which he undertook in of prove, that to the idolatry of mofl part of the pagans did not deferve eternal punifhment. book his prudence thought fit But to fupprefs. this In 1 7 14 he was made counfellor of the parliament of Bourdeaux; and in 1 7 1 6 prefident a mortier. member In this j^ear of the he was alfo created new founded academy of the 725 he opened the parliament and eloquence of fpeech, the depth fame city. with a In i which were convincing proofs of abilities as an orator. The his great year following 4
  7. 7. ' M. he quitted D'E Montesquieu. his charge; Vii fo excellent which, in a m^giflrate, would have been inexculable, if, in ceafing to execute the law, he had not put it in his law to render the power itfelf more perfe^. In 1728 he offered himfdf a candidate for a feat in the ^cademie Francois to which - his I Lettres Persannes (publiflied 72 i) feemed to give him a fufiicient in title : flrokes in that yet fome, rather too bold, work, together with the great circumfpe(Stion of that fociety, rendered the matter dubious. Cardinal Fleury, alarmed with what he had heard concerning thefe letters, wrote, to let the academy know, that the king would not have them admit the author,unlershe thought proper to difavow the book. M. Montesquieu declared that he had never owned himfelfto be the author of fliould never difavow it. the Lettres Perfanues, it; The but that he Cardinal read found them more agreeable than dangerous, and Montesquieu was admitted. Our orator proceeds to give us a fliort ac- count of he left M. Montesquieu's travels. When France, he accompanied his intimate *A 4
  8. 8. EL viii i. Lord Waldegrave, riend, Vienna and ; N G E In his after feeing alfo embafly to Hungary, Italy, Switzerland, and Holland, he ended his tout in Great-Britain; where, meditating fprings of that government, M. Maupertuis, fo rriany, in upon the which, fays fcemingly, incon- gruous advantages are united, he found all the materials that were wanting to complete the great works which lay wrapt in his imar gi nation. No fooner was he returned to France, than he retired La Brede: where, to for the fpace of two whole years, feeing nothing but books and trees, he v;rote his Confideratiofis on the of the grandeur and decline of the Roman To Empire, wiiich was publilhed in 1733. caufes this work he deflcfned to have added on the Englifj government e!^,cellent treatife has ) a book but this moft Hnce found a more hh. Efprit des Loix, with proper place in which he obliged the, world in the year 17^8. The precedino; may be works of M.Montesquieu. regarded as io many fteps leading up which heerevTled to the to this great temple, mankind. How happy Vv'as it, fehcity of that a man of his enlightened unaerflunding
  9. 9. M. DE MoNTESaUlEU. ix of that applied himfelf fojcly to the fludy fcience, which is, of all others, tlie moll: His Lettres perfannes have, no doubt, been frequently miiiaken for books iireful ! of mere araufement; but an intelligent reader will fee them in a very dilferent light. Some parts of them, indeed, are, perhaps, not wrote with fo much The wiflied. caution as might have been fofter paflions are generally painted incolours rather too lively: but vices and follies are expofed, in fuch a m.anner, as to afford matter of fpeculation and entertain- ment The to ihofe ftyle of the mofl: philofophic turn. of thefe letters is laconic, pure, and brilhant; in which the chief merit ot books may not, indeed, properly confiil; yet, to thefe ornaments they generally fuccefs. In fhort, never was there wifdom expreffed nor fo owe much good in fo agreeable a it is their much {o manner, fenfe condenfed into fo few words. After having fiiewn, continues our eacomiafl, the effe(n: of the human paiTions in the breaft of one man, he then proceeded to confider mankind in the airembiao-e chofc, for his peculiar objeft, A 5 the ; ^nd Roman
  10. 10. X Elog eon nation, as the mod difficult to thing, it People not be, to ! degree foever fenfe, to may be it be a how much more mark out Human it trace the efFe<^s of our pafiions in an Individual, mud If conrplcuous. thofe of {o whole a what extended poiTeiTed, will, without experience, be found unequal to the tafk. with lege, There is required a perfe£l acquaintance fa6ls; that laborioufly-acquired which genius! is fo rarely united to a fublime M. Montesquieu's this fubjeCi:, know- are evidently reflections the refult upon of a continued and complete (ludy of hiflory. It is from an exa£l: feries of events that he draws confequences the moftjuft. Thefe ii^^tf?/o^s, etc. fo full of profound reafoning, may be confidered as an abric^ement of the what hiflory, capable of fupplying is Roman wanting in Tacitus himfelf. Thefe works, rally led fays Mr. Maupertuis, natu- our author to a third, more important one; namely, his and much Traite de the many JJEfprit des Lois. Amongft different forms of government which exifl, there are three principal ones, diftinguifhed from the reftj T)emocrncy, where the pov^^er
  11. 11. M. DE Monte sQ,urEU. is equally diriributed to every xi member of the community; Monarchy where the power j is centered in one perfon, but fubject to the guidance and regulation of certain laws; and where, all the power is united in one individual, without laws or limitation. 'Defpotifniy government have a peculiar principle or fpring upon which the ftate may be faid to move. That of a de- Each of thefe kinds of mocracy is virtue] that of a monarchy, mur-j and that of a defpotifm;, /t'^r, /;<?. Thefe three motives are differently modified in every intermediate kind of government; but each of thefe will predominate in proportion as the government approaches towards kind of which it is the fpring. From fburcc, M.Montesquieu draws all that this the rules applicable to every kind of legiflation that hath exiiled arife^ and ; folves and difplays every This defeft. thrown more political polTible fingle advantage oblervation has both upon our civil and laws, than can be colle<fl:ed from light many huge volumes upon every doubt that can that have been written thefe fubjecls. From the firft page to the laft of this book.
  12. 12. EL Xli nature of the G E O N M. Montesquieu's (li(lin<rtly vifible; fonl is of mankind, and his fentihappinefs, His pi6lure of AHatic his great love bis Jeiire for their ments of Jiberty. defpotifm, of that horrid government where one fees but one Lord, and all the red in one of the beft prefervatives from fuch an evil. The fame wifdom appears hi Slavery, is his advice how may from too extenfive an equality. as one arife to g-uard atiainfi: the evils that We may confider M. Montesquieu of thofe and fages who gave laws to the people; without injuring the memory of If his treatife be Solon, or of Lycurgus. this not that fydem of legiilation which would render mankind the moft happy, it contains, at leafl:, all the materials of which that fyflera fhould be formed. • They are there, not like precious ftones and metals in the mines, mingled with grofs heterogeneous matter; here all is pure, were indeed to all is gold, or diamond. be wiihed that order had been obferved thefe jewels, that none of out of their places been a more '<*:• : in more the pofition c^ them had but then perfefl: a little It it v^'ould flione have fyftem of legiilation.
  13. 13. M. DE MoNTESQ,UIEU. xlii formed by the human than will ever be genius. We cx)nfers, Montesquieu, fa^^s in our Orator, explaining the caufes of that variety obfervable in the manners of different people, in their laws, in their of government, and even has attributed too of heat, M, that much form in their religion, to climate, degree and aliment; and that fome of air, his realbnings, on which thefe explanations are founded, ^lave not the force he fuppofed. True that thefe phyfical principles it is, be admitted to a certain degree; and may it is alio as true, that in having fometirnes extended their influence a little too far, M. Montes- quieu does, by no means, deferve the cenfure which envy would have infinuated. Yet thefe him philofophicai and literary critics gave vineafmefs. cate. againft little Reafon was his fufficient advo- But there was another kind of whom the voice of reafon was critics, lefs to be depended on. Thefe gave him great uneafmefs for he was a man who ought not ; have been fufpc^ted. He was threatened -with no lefs than to fee his book condemned, to or himfelf obliged to make certain retracla-
  14. 14. ELbG XIY E ON which, to a man of his tions, fincerity, wquli have been extremely mortifying^ Yet, r.fcer a long, and more judicious, examination, the Sorhonne thought proper to acquit him. How could it be imagined, that one, who had done fo much harm for the benefit of ibciety, to religion The number could do, ! of criticifms that have beeri written upon PEfprit des Loix, will be an eternal reproach to the learning of our times. feldombeen attacked with any fliadovv of juftice; too often without decency. After It hath having forgot w^hat was due to reafon, they grew unmindful of what they owed to the perfon of a man, of relpedlable. He ail others, the moft was torn by thofe kind of who, not being able to fubfift by own productions, Hve on what they can vultures, their fnatch from the works of others. But he was defended by fome very excellent pens. a?id Eucrates, The'JDialogiie betzvee?i Sylla LyJimaquCj and the T'eniple de Gnyde, were alfo written by M. Montesquieu though of a different kind, do not cate their author, than his ; and, lefs indi- more profound
  15. 15. M. DE Montesquieu. compofitions. is no enemy No They xv prove to us, that wifdom to mirth. Mr. Maiipertuis. had (boner, fays his Majefty honoured me with the dire£lion of his academy, than I propoled PrufTian M. Montesquieu as a member. Onr whole fociety well knew the value of the acquifltion, and he received our ful fenfibility. a letter to offer Thefe with the moft grate- are his fentiments, in me, on the occadon : even the Mr; mofl carelefs and familiar lines from Montesquieu will be always valuable where- foever they are found. My very dear and illiiflrious Brother, You Paris. received a letter from me, dated at I received one of yours written at Potzdam ; which, as it Vvas dire£ted to Bourdeaux, fpent above a month upon the Thus was I long deprived of ^^^^ road. real pleafure I feel at the receipt mark of your rememberance. confolation that I did not find both my heart and mind fearch of you. you with what It is of every I yet want you here; and are yet in continual impoiTible I fhould refpe6l, tell with what fentiments
  16. 16. E XVI of gratitiule, and L O G E if I N O may be allowed to fay with what joy, I learn, by yonr letter, academy has done me the honour to it, that the me one admit of its members. Nothing but 3^oiir friendflitp could have perfuaded the refl that I might afpire to a feat among ihcm. me emulation to encreafe my You would, indeed, long fince have experienced my ambition, had I not feared This will give worth. to torment your confpicuous. friendfliip in renderino- You muft now finiili the it work you have begun, by informing me how I am behave on the occafion; to whom, and ia what manner, I am to exprefs my gratitude. to Do you condu£l me, and If, guided. in I fhall be well your converfation with the king, you could £nd a proper opportunity to fignif}^ let it my thankfulnefs, I beg you efcape. I have nothing to offer to that great Prince, except am folation diftinguifli forry to fee that 3^ou yet for the and in my admiration; do nothing that will from the reft of mankind. this I I will not me want con- death of your father. I it is myfelf am fenfibl_y affefled with it one reafon the more to diminifli our hope : I
  17. 17. Monte SQ.UIEU. M. DE of feeing you again. may attribute fence, but to know'not whether I I moral or my foul my I was fenfation. where it is happy happy numerous ngthing of ef ph3^fical fufccptible of every at my country-houfei' I faw nothinc: but lefs x^mi trees, and I am no crowds of people, I alk the fands on the (ea. in Paris, amidil as this earth, rotation round its but to continue center my not that I would : willingly defcribe circles equal in m/mutenefs to yours and when at Torneo. Nov. 25, i 74^. Mr. Maupertuis proceeds the fame candor which MoNTESQUEiu charaiSterillic my dear I embrace you, etc. illuflrious friend. Paris, Adieu, to tell us, that M,^ dillinffuilhed was in his writings, alfo his converfation with the in his He was the fame man viewed in He appears even, if poffjble, more lights. world. all extraordinary when we member of fociety, never our Orator,' having him than as an author. found, fublime, in his imlru6led,,ajiKi confider fimpllcity,, oifcii^ded. iiad-thfe quent thole fociciies of as a Pro^ he charmed, J mv{tjAf,-fays bappinefs to which he was a fre- meiun
  18. 18. EL XVlli GE ON ber, have been frequent witnefs of the im- patience with which he was always expelled, and the univerfal joy that appeared on his arrival. The modefly and opennefs of his niein bore great refemblance to his converfation. * He was extremely negligent of his drefs, defpifing every thing that went beyond being decent. His cloaths were always of the : plained; kind, without or The (liver. table, and nomy. found any ornament of gold in fame fimplicity reigned at his every other part of his oeco- His paternal it, eftate he left, as he neither increafed nor diminifhed. On the he iothofFebruary,inthisyear [1755] died, as he had lived, without either often* ration or pufilanimity, acquitting himfelf of every duty with the greatefl decency. During his indifpofition, hishoufe was incciTantly crouded with people of the firft diftiuiHilon in France, and fuch as were moft deferving of his Her Grace the Duchefs who will permit me to mention friendfliip. d'Aiguillon, * Some particulars of his perfbn are mentioned; as, that be was well proportioned and that he had ahnoft entirely loft the fcarce obfight of one eye ; though that defed was ; fcf vable.
  19. 19. M. DE her name upon M ONTESQ.UIEU. XlX (M. Montes*' this occafion QuiEu's memory would lofe too much were I not to name her) fcarce ever left him a moment: ihe received his lail: faw him, and there hi her houfe that I began the friendfhip that hath aiForded much delight. firfl: To this was It fighs. Lady I am me fo alfo in- debted for thefe circumftances of his death. The fweetnefs of his difpofitions, me, continued to his very laft flie tells moment. Not a fingle complaint efcaped his lips, nor even the lead: fign of impatience. Thefe were his words to thofe that ftood around him alvjays paid great refpeB to reUgton morality of the gofpel is : : / ^he a mojl excellent thi?7g, and the mojl valuable prefeni that could pojfibly have been received by man from his Creator, The him Jefuits who were to deliver up near him, prefTing of the Z^/- his corrections he gave to me, and to madame manufcript, with thefe words tres Perfannes, du Pre, his / will facrifice religion : — every thing confult tuith ivhether this ought to to reafon my friends, and appear. He and to decide had a pleahire in the prefence of his friends, and, as often as an interval of eafe would permit.
  20. 20. Elogeon XX he would join the converfation, His fit u at to he me, was told ji', cruel, but not without caufes ofconfol(Hion: fo fenfible many was he of the public concern, and of the affe(^ion of his friends. Myfelf and his attendance almofl: Duke Madame du day and M. de Nivernois, Pre were The night. de Bucley, the fa- mily of Firzjames, the Chevalier de Jeau^ court, etc. in fliort, the houfe was always and even the full, But all as the ftreet vt^as fcarce paflable. our care and anxiety was as ineffedlual of his phyficians. He died in the llcill thirteenth day of his illnefs, of an inflamma- tory fever, which had feized every part of Rim. M. Montesquieu was married in 171 5, to Jeanne de Lartigue, daughter to Pierre de Lartigue, Lieutenant-colonel of the regiment de Maulevrier. By this and two daughters. His Lady he had a fon fon, M.deSecondat, diflinguiflied for his phyfical and mathemati- knowlege, was named to fill his father's place in the academy of Berlin. M. Chateau- cal brun, who fimplicity him has introduced the ancient upon in the Greek the French flage, fucceeds academy Fran9oifej and in that
  21. 21. M. DE MoNTESQ,UIEU. of Cortonne he friend is XXl worthily replaced by his Mr. Condainine." This, Gentfemen, is the fubftance of the will not think I panegyric before me. You have been too particular, when you confider this article, not only as an account of Mr. Maupertuis's Eloge, but of that great man's writings who is the fubjedl of itj that the beffc account of an author's his works ; and life is the hiftory of that the author of whom we have been fpeaking, was Monfieur de MonTESQjUIEU. I have the honour to be, GENTLEMEN, Your very humble fervant B
  22. 22. i flS"
  23. 23. ( XXlll ) CONTENTS. Chap, I. I, THE inftincy it II. III. IV. Of of Rome* 2. The "wars Page 25 fuftained. the fcience of luar as pra6lifed by the Romans. 35 The methods by which the Romans raifed I » themfelves to empire, Of the Gauls. 2.0fPyrrhus. lel 41 /. Paral- between Carthage and Rome, 4. The Hannibal, 45 war of V. The flate of Greece, of Macedonia, of Sy* and of Egypt, after the deprejfion 57 of Carthage. VI. The condtiSi which the Romans obferved, in ria, order VII. How it fifl VIII. Of to was fubdue all nations. for Mithridates the Romans. poffible 69 to re^ 82 the divijions which always fubfifted in the city. 85 IX. Two caufes which deflroyed Rome. X. Of the corruptions of the Romans. XI. Of Sylla, Pompey, and 93 99 102 Caefar. XII. Qbfervaticns on the flate of Rome after the death of Caefar. 117 XIII. Auguftus. XIV. Tiberius. XV. Remarks on gula XVI. 124 134 to the emperors Antoninus. from Caius Cali• I 40 Confiderations on the flate of the empire from Antoninus to Probus. 153
  24. 24. CONTENTS. XXIV XVII. Changes in the flate. Page i 68 XVIII, An account of fame tievj maxims received i7<) hy the^ Romans, ' XIX . Some particulars of the grandeur of Attila, The eftablifloment of the Barbarians ac' Reafons why the Weflern empire 'was overturned before that in counted for. 187 Eafl. XX. - I . The conquefls of Juftinian. 1 Zome aC' count of his government. 19 7 . 208 Diforders in the Eaftern empire, The' 'meaknefs of the Eaftern empire. 21^ XXIII. I. T'he duration of the Eaflern empb^e acXXI. . XXIL counted for. %* Its defiruClion, 229
  25. 25. REFLECTIONS On the CAUSES of The Rise and Fall O THE F ROMAN EMPIRE. CHAPTER I . The Infancy of Rome. 2 E mnfl: not JVars itfujlained, form to ourfelves an idea of the city of Rome, in its infancy, from which exiO: at this time,unlefs have in view thofe of the dim Tartars, built for the cities we The . I. the (lowing and fccuring of pkmder, cattle, fruits, and other produce of the country. The antient names of the chief places in Rome are all relative to this ufe. The was even without (Ireets, unlefs we will name to the continuation of roads which city this give center in it. The houfes were draggling, built after an irregular manner, and very fmall; for the inhabitants being always either at their work, or in the public fquare, were very feldom at home. But the greatnefs of Rome foon appeared in its public edifices. Works which {a) have raifed, and (.1) Seetheaftonifhmentof DionyfiiisHalicarnaneuson theaque* built by Tarv^uin, Ant,Rom.. iii. They arc (lill fubfirting. duds B
  26. 26. The Rise and 26 flill raife, ed under Fall the greateft idea of its of the power, were form- kings. They began already to lay the foundation of that city, which was to be eternah its Romulus, and his fucceflbrs, were engaged in almoft perpetual wars with their neighbours, to ehcreafe the number of their citizens, their women, and their territories. They ufed to return to the the fpoils of conquered nations ; city, loaded with and thefe fpoils, which confifled of wheat-fheaves and flocks, ufed to Such is the origin afterwards, chiefly fill them with the greateft joy. of triumphs, to which that city, owed its grandeur. of the Romans was greatly increafed by their union with the Sabines, a fl:ubborn warlike people, refembling the Lacedaemonians from The whom of ftrength they fprung. their fliields, Romulus which were {a) copied the large, form and ufed them €ver afterwards inflead of the fmall buckler of Argos: and which it is to be obfervcd, that the circumfl:ance, chiefly raifed the of the world, was, Romans to the fovereignty their laying aflde their own cu- ftoms as foon as they met with better among the people they conquered ; and it is well known that they fought fucceflively againft all nations. It was a maxim then among the republics of Italy, that treaties made with one king were not obligatory tov,'ards his fucceffor. of law of nations (/;) This was a among them. fort Thus every to by one king of thing which had been fubmitted they thought themfelves difcngaged from Rome, under another, and wars continually begot wars. {a) {b) Plutarch's life of Romulus. This appears throughout the hiftoryof the kings of Rome.
  27. 27. Roman Empire. The very reign of -well tj pacific, ; and had their territory in that confined, and their lefs power was hum- adapted to leave the Romans in their ble condition been being long and Numa, greater, age it is probable their fortune would have been fixed for ever. caufe of the profperity of Rome was, that No other hiflory her kings were great men. us with an uninterrupted fuccellion of fucb prefents ilatefmen and fuch captains. One all In the infancy of focie ties, the leading men in the form the conftitution ; afterwards the con- republic flitution forms the leading men in the republic. Sextus the fon of Tarquin, by violating the chailiiy of Lucretia, took fuch a flep as has fel- dom to drive tyrants from the cities over the}' prefided ; for when once a people are ftrongly fenfible, by the commilTion of fo failed which made enormous of the flavery to which they are reduced, they immediately form a defperate refoa crime, lution. A people may fuffer, without murmuring, the impofing of new tribute?, fince they are not certain but that fome advantage may accrue to themfelves, from the an infult difpofal of the monies fo levied : but whea put upon them, the}' are aiFe<fled with their misfortune only ; and this they aggravate, b;^ fixing to it the idea of all the calamities which can is polTibly happen. It mufi: however be con fefied, that the death of Lucretia did no more than occafion, accidentally, the revolution which happened ; for a haughty, enterprizing, bold people, confined within walls, B ^ muft
  28. 28. The Rise and 2,8 Fall of the neceflarily either ibake oiF the yoke, or foften the afperity of From their manners. the fituation of things at that time, this was the refult either that Rome iTiould change the form of its government, or continue for ever a fmall, ; poor monarchy. IVIodern hiftory furniilies us with a very remarkexample of what happened at that time in Rome ; able for as men have been fenfible of the fame pafTions rife to great ages, the occafions which gave revolutions are various, but the caufes are for ever in all the fame. As Henry VII of England increafed the power comm.ons, merely to humble the nobility; "of the fo Servius Tullius enlarged the privileges of the the fenate ; but the peopeople, in order to deprefs afterwards bolder, ruined each of the growing monarchies under which they lived. No flattering colours have been employed, in the ple, us of Tarquin ; his name has Dot efcaped any of the orators who declaimed againft his calamities, tyranny; but bis conduct before pifture which w^hich evident he forefaw; and his gentlenefs the conquered, his beneficence to towards it is humanity is left the foldiers, the arts by which he engaged fuch num- bers to endeavour at his prefervation, the edifices he raifed for the public ufe, his courage in the field, the conlbncy and patience with which he bore his carried misfortunes, a twenty years war he either or caufcd to be carried on againft the Romans, on, and very poor; though deprived of his kingdom, thefe things, and tlie refources he perpetually found, he wa s nocontemptible perfon. prove manifeftly,that The rank or place, which poacrity beftows, is
  29. 29. Roman Empire, 29 vhim and caprice to the reputation of thit monarch fubje£t, as all others are, to the of fortune : woe becomes the oppreifed by a parry which after or who has endeavoured to deftroy prevailing one; who is a prepofldFion that furvives him. The Romans, after having banidied their kings, appointed confuls annually, a circumftance which contributed to raife them to fo exalted a pitch. In all princes there are certain periods of ambition, and thefe are afterwards fucceeded by other paiTions, and even by indolence ; but the com- the lives of monwealth bemg governed by magi Urates who were changed every year, and who endeavoured to iigna- themfelves in their employment, in the view of obtaining new ones, ambition had not a moment to lize it v.-as that thefe magiftrates were ever the fenate to ftir up the people to war, perfuading and pointed out to them new enemies every day. Hence lofe. do This body (the fenate) Vas inclined enough to this of their own accord ; for, being quite tired of the complaints and demands of the people, they endeavoured to remove the occafion of their difquiet, and to employ them in foreign wars. Now the common people Vv^ere generally pleafed with war,becaufe a method had been found to make it beneficial to that them, by the judicious was made of the Rome being a city in diftributioii fpoils. which neither trade nor iiouridied, the feveral individuals had of emiching themfelves, but by rapine. An order and difcipline was therefore in the (a) way and manner of See Polybius, Book x. B 3 pillaging arts no other way eftablifhied (^z), and this
  30. 30. The Rise and ^6 was pretty near Fall the fame with that of the now prai^ifcd among the inhabitants of LefTer Tartary. The plunder was laid together, and afterward* diftributed among the foldiers; not even the mi- nuteft article was he fet loft, becaufe every man, before out, fwore not to embezzle any thing; be* Romans were, of all nations, the moft obfervers of oaths, thefe being conildered religions as the finews of their military difcipline. iides that, the In fine, thofe citizens, who home, fhared of the conquered lands was confifcated, and this was fubdivided into two portions, one of which was fold alfb in the fruits of the ftaid at vi<ftory ; for part for the benefit of the public, and the other divided by the commonwealth, among fuch citizens as were but in poor circumftances, upon condition of their paying a fmall acknowlegement. As the confuls had no other way of obtaining the honour of a triumph, than by a conqueft or a vi- made them rufh ^lory, this parallelled into the field with un- impetuofity, they marched direiftly to tht enemy, when Rome force immediately decided the conteft. was therefore engaged in an eternal, and ever-obHinate war : now, a nation chat is always war, and that too from the very frame and flfence of its government, mufl: necefTarily be de- {a') at ftroyed, Cir fubdue all other nations; for, thefe being fometimes at war, and at other times in peace, could never be fo able to invade others, nor fo well prepared to defend themfeJves. By this means the Romans attained a perfect: {a) The Romans according to Varro, foreigner who confidered foreigners as enemies: Hoflis, Lat. lib. iv. fignid^d at firil a De Lingua iived accordiug to his own laws.
  31. 31. Roman Empire. 31 the military arts : in tranfient wsrs knowlege mod of the examples are loft ; peace fuggefls difin ferent ideas, and we forget not only our faults, but even our virtues. Another confequence of the maxim of waging perpetual war, was, that the Romans never concluded a peace but when they were victorious ; and indeed, to what purpofe wovild it be to m.ake an ignominious peace with one nation, and afterwards go and invade another? In this view their pretenfions rofe always in proportion to their defeat; by^this they furprized the conquerors, and laid thenifelves under a greater of conquering. Being for ever obnoxious to the moft: fevere vengeance ; perfeverance and valour became neceffary neceffity and thefe could not be diftinguilhed, athem, from felf-love, from the love of one's virtues: mong family, of one's country, and whatever is dearefl among men. The fame America had happened to in late ages ; Italy, which befel the natives of the former, quite heiplefs and difperfed up and down, having religned their habitations to nev/ comers, it was afterwards peopled by three different nations, the Tufcans (^), the Gauls, and the Greeks. The Gauls had no manner of relation or affinity either with the Greeks or Tufcans; the latter formed a fociety which had rals; (a) its It is not known whether they were country, or only a colony former opinion, mowho defcended from peculiar language, cufloms and and the Grecian colonies, ; originally of that but Dion. HalicainaiTeus lib. i. B 4 is of the
  32. 32. The Rise and 32 different nations that Fall were often of the at variance, had I * pretty feparate interefts. The world in ours in that age was not like the traffic world the eftablidi- voyages, conqueft, flatcs ; the invention of poft-offi- : ; ment of mighty ces, with of the fea-compafs, and of printing general polity, have a certain made ; thcfe, corref- pondence much eaficr, and given rife, among us, to an art called by the name of politics every man fees at one glance whatever is trsnfa^ed in the whole : univt rfe ; ambition, and all if a people dlfcover but ever fo the nations little round them are immedi- ately terrified. The people of Italy had (^) none of thofe en- gines which were employed in lieges: and further, 2S the foldiers were not allowed any ftipend, there was no poiT-bility of keeping them long before a town or fortrefs: hence it was, that few of their thefe fought from no other wars were dccifive : motive, but merely to plunder the enemies camp or his lands ; after Vv'hich, both the conqueror and the conquered marched back to their refpe^live cities. This clrcumftance gave rife to the ftrong reuhich the people of Italy made, and at the fi(ance fame time to the inflexible refolution the Romans formed to fubdue them ; this favoured the latter with vi'fiories, which no ways depraved their molals, and left them in their original poverty. (a) D.HalicarnafT declares fbejcprefly, lib ix.and this appears by hiftory : tliey ufed toattempt the fcalado of cities with ladders. Ephorus relates that Artsmoii the engineer invented larjTc Pericles vas the fit ft machines to batter the ftrongeft wall. V ho made ufe of them at tho fiege of Sarnos, as Plutarch tells us in the life of thit general.
  33. 33. Roman Empire. Had the Pv.omans neighbouring cities, 33 made a rapid conqiieH: of they would have been in a th - de' of Pyrrhus, of the dining condition at the arrival and of Hannibal ; and, by a fate common Gauls, would have to mofl: governments in the world, they made too quick a tranfition from poverty to riches, and from riches to depravity. But Rome, for ever flruggling, and ever meetwith obfiacles, made other nations tremble at its to extend power, and at the fame time was unable ing: and exercifed, in a very narrow compafs of were to prove of ground, a train of virtues that it; the moft fatal confequence to the univerfe. All the people of Italy were not equally war'ikc: thofe who inhabited the eaftern part, as the Taren- and the Capuans; all the cities of Campania, and of Graecia Major, v/ere quite immerfed in indolence and in pleafures; but the Latms, the Hernici, tines the Sabines, the ^^qui, and the Voifcians, were fond of v.ar: thefe nations lay round palTionately Rom.e; the refiftance they made was to that city incredible, and they lurpaifed them in ftubbornnefs and inliexibility. The Latin cities fprung from Alban colonies, which were founded {a) by Laiinus Sylvius fides their common there were feveral rites and ceremonies both ; and Servius TuUus bad to build a temple in Rome, of union of the (^) common to engaged them to ferve as the center nations. tv*'0 be- ; extraction w'vM the Pvomans, Lofmg a battle near the lake Regilius, they were fubjetled to an alliance, (i?) As appears from the mance, afciibcd treatife entitled to Aurellus Vl<ftor. ^5 (,?) Origo .Gentis Ro- D. Halicarnatf.
  34. 34. "The 34 Rise and Fall of the and forced to alTociate in the {a) wars which the Romans waged. was manifeaiy feen, dianng the fnort time of the decemvu-s lafted, how much the aggrandizing of Rome depended on its It that the tyranny liberty. The government which feeraed to have oi the (b) foul animated even to the minutell part of it. There remained two at that time but forts of city, thofe who fubmitted to Haver y, and thofe who for their own private interefl: endea- people in the voured to enflave the refl. The fenators withdiew from a foreign city ; and the neiohbouring nations did not meet with the leaft refinance- from any quarter. from Rome The as found means to give the folof Veii was undertaken, which laHed ten years. But now a new art, and a new fyfrem of war, were feen to arife fenate having diers a regular Aipend, the flege among the Romans; confpicuous ; their fucccffes they made were more a better fignal and advantage of their vi<5lories ; their conquers were greater, they fent out more colonies; in fine, the taking of Veii a kind of revolution. proved But all this did not lelTen their toils : if, on one they attacked with greater vigour the Tufcans, the i^quf, and the Volfcians ; for this very reafon they were abandoned by the Latins and the Hernici fide, their allies, who were armed after the fame man- ner, and obferved the fame difcipline with them- (<j) See in D. HalicarnafT lib. vi. one of the treaties con- cluded with this people. {h) Thcfe Decemviri, »pon pretence of giving written Jaws upon the government. Sec D. Halicarnafl^ to the people, feized lib. xi.
  35. 35. Roman Empire. felves this ; 35 engaged the Tufcans to form new al- liances; and prompted the Samnites, the mo(l:m<irtial people of all Icaly, to involve them in a furious war. After the foldiers received pay, the fenate no longer diftributed to them the lands of the con- quered people, upon now whom impofed; they were other conditions were oblip^ed, for inftance, to pay the army a certain quota for a time, and to fend fuppiies of cloths and corn. The taking of Rome by the Gauls did no way ftrength; almoft the whole army, which was difperfed rather than overcome, withdrevv^ to leHen its Veil; the people (htkered themfelves in the adjacent cities; and the burnintr of Rome was no more than the fetting fire to a few cottages of fhepherds, CHAPTER Of the II. Science of war as praciijed by the the AS Romans devoted Romaks, themfelves entirely to war, and confidered it as the only fcience, they therefore bent all their thcnghts, and the genius with which they were informed, to the im- provement of it doubtlefs a god, fays {(C) Vegetiiis, infpircd them with the idea of the legion. : They judged that it would be nece'fary to arm who compofed the legion wiih weapons, the foldiers whether offeniive or defeniive. of a flronger and heavier kind than thofe of any other nation. But as fome things mud (/») be done in war, which (<}) L. H. cap. (^) S€C in Polybius, and in Jofephus, I. Di hikjudalco^ lib.U.
  36. 36. The Rise and Tai^l cf the heavy body is not able to execute, the Romans 36 a would have the legion include vithin itfeif a band of light forces, which might iiTue from it in order to provoke the enemy to battle, or draw back into it in cafe of neceffity they alfo would have this ; legion fVrengthened with cavalry, with archers, and dingers, to purfue thofe who (led, and complete the vidtory; that it fhould be defended by military en- gines of every kind, which ever}'- evening this body it drew that after it; fliould entrench itfeif, and be, as Vegetir-s {a) obfervcs, a kind of firong hold. But that the Roman foldiers might be able to car- ry heavier arms than other men, it was neceifary they fhould become more than men ; and this they became by perpetual labour which encreafed their vigour, and by excrcifes that gave them an activity, v'hich is no more than a juft diXlribution of the ilrengih It is we are invigorated with. obferved in this age, that the {b) Immo- derate labour, which foldiers are obliged to undergo, deflroys our armies ; and yet it was by incredible labour that the The reafon I Romans take to be this; preferved tliemfelves. their toils were con- tinual and uninterrupted, v/hereas our foldiers are ever fhifting from the extremes of labour to the a defcription but of the arms of the little difference, and aJfvaded horft. " carried They " Roman fays the latter, (fays Cicero) foldiers. between provifion a There Roman for fifteen is foldier days, and whatever they Ihould have oc" cafion for in As to their arms, they throwing up trenches. " were no more incumbered with them than with their hands." neceffaries {a) {}) Lib. of ii. all forts, rap. a^. Particularly the throwing up of the ground.
  37. 37. Roman Empire. extremes of idlenefs, than 37 which nothhig can pof- be more deftructive. (ibly of what authors (a) rethe training up of the Roman folconcerning They were inured to the military pace, that diery. I niuft here take notice late is, to walk twenty miles, and fometimes four and twenty, in five hours. During thefe marches, they carried burdens of threefcore pound weight ; they habituated themfelvesto running and leaping, armed cap-a-pee; in their (^) exercifes they made ufe of fwords, javelins and arrows, double the weight of common weapons ; and thefe exercifes were carried on without intermifFion. The camp was not the only military fchool; there being, in Rome, a place in which the citizens ufed to perform exercifes (it was the Campus Mar: after their fatigues (r) they plunged into the Tyber, to accuflom themfelves to fwimming, and cleanfe away the dufl- and fweat. tins) Whenever the Romans thought themfelves ex-y any danger, or were delirous of repa,iring fome lofs, it was a conftant prafVice among them pofed to to invigorate and give new. cipline. Are they engaged life in a to their military difthe Latins^ war with (a) See in Vegetins, lib. i, and in Livy, lib. xxvi. the exercifes which Scipio Africanns made the foldiers perform afMarius ufed to go everyter the taking of Carthago Nova. day to the Campus Martius, even in his extreme old age. It vas cuftoroary for Pompey, when 58 years of age, to arm himfelf cap-a pee, and engage in fingle combat with the Roman He ufed to exercife himfelf in riding, when he would youths. run with the fwifteft career, and hurl the javelin. Plutarch in the lives of Marius and Pompty. (^) Vegctius, Lib. i, (f) Idem ibid.
  38. 38. Fall The Rise and 38 a people no of the martial than themfeives? Manlius methods oF ilrengthening the upon command in the field, and puts to death his own lefs the beft relie<Sls fon, for conquering without his orders. defeated before Numantia ? Are they Scipio Aemillanus im- mediately removes the feveral blandilliments, w^hicb had enervated them. Have the R.oman legions pad under the yoke at Numidia ? Metellus wipes away their ignominy, the indant he has obliged them to refume their ancient inflitutions. Marius, that he may be enabled to vanquiih the Cimbri and the Teutones, begins by diverting the courfe of Qa) rivers; and Sylla employs, in fuch hard labour, his foldicrs, who were war which was terrified at the carrying on that they fue for againfl Mithridates, to put an end to their hardfliips. Publius Nafica made the Romans build a fleet battle, of lliips, at a time fuch a force : when they had no occafion for thefe people dreaded idlenefs more than an enemy. Aulus Gellius the cuflom blood who (b) gives among the no very good reafons Romans of had committed a fault ; for letting foldiers the true reafon that flrength being the chief qualification of a foldier, this was the means of adding not to his is, weaknefs, but to his difgrace. In the battles fought in our age, every fingle foldier has very little fecurity and confidence except in indi; but among the Romans, every more robufl and of greater experience in vidual, war, as well as more inured to tl;ie fatigues of it, than his enemy, relied upon bimfelf only. He was the multitude (fl) Ftontln. Stratagem, lib. i, cap. i«. Q) Lib. x, cap. 8,
  39. 39. R M AN Empire. o 39 naturally endued with courage, or in other words, with that virtue which a feniibility of our own flrength infpircs. Thefe men thus enured were generally healthy by hiftorians, that the Roman armies, which waged war in fo great a variety of climates, fell often a prey to difeafes; and vigorous we do not : find we whereas in the prefent age without once engaging, periili, daily fee armies, and melt away, if I ufe the exprelTion, in a fingle campaign. Defertions are very frequent among us for this^ may reafon, becaufe the foidiers are the dregs of every nation, and not one of them poffelTes, or thinks himfelf pofTelfed of, a certain advantage v/hich gives him a fuperiority over his comrades. But among the Romans they were lefs frequent ; it being from among a fo haughty and imperious, and people naturally fo fure of commanding over others, fliould defcarce poiTible that foidiers, raifed mean themfelves to fuch a degree, as to ceafe to be Romans. As their armies fubfiiled: the were not great, they commander had of knowing the feveral individuals eafily perceive the various were eafily a better faults ; opportunity and could more and mifdemean- ours committed by the foldiery. The violence of their exercifes, and the wonder- them to make long and marches. Their fudden prefence damped the fpeedy ful roads they built, enabled fpirits of they fhewed themfelves, fome unfortunate event, at a time enemies were in that^ftate of negligence their oppofers : efpecially after when which their is generally confequent on vi<flory.
  40. 40. T^he 40 Rise and Fall of the As no troops in the world were, in any age, fo well difciplined, it was hardly pofFible that in a bat- how unfortunate (oever, but Tome Romans mull one pare or other of it ; or on the other [idQ, but that the enemy muft be defeated in fome part of the field and, indeed, we iind every where in tle, rally in : whenever the Romans happened to be overpowered at the beginning, either by numbers, or the fiercenefs of the onfet, they at laft wrefted hiftory, that the lawrel out of the enemies hand. Their chief care was to examine, in what parenemies had an advantage over them, and when this was found, they immediately retfti- ticular their £ed it. The cutting Avords (a) of the Gauls, and the elephants of Pyrrhus intimidated them but once. flrengthened their cavalry, (b) firft, by taking the bridles from the horfes ; that their impetuolity They might be boundlefs, and afterwards by intermixing them with Velites (r): when they underdood the excellence of the Spanilh (d) fword, they quitted {a) The Romans Gauls flruck at them ufed to prefent their javelins, .>vith their fvvords, when the and by that means blunted them. (/') of At the time that they warred againfl the leHer nations was fuperior to that of their er.emies, and Italy, their horfe for this reafbn, the cavalry were compofed of none but the ableft bodied men, and the mod confiderable among the citizens, each whom had a horfe maintained at the public expence. When they alighted, no infantry was more formidable, and they ve- of ry often turned the fcale of victory. (c) Thefe were young men lightly armed, and the moft nimble of all the legion. At the leaft fignal that was given, they would either leap behind a horfeman, or fight on foot, Valerius Maximus, {d) lib. ii. Livy, Fragmcn. of folybiui lib cited xxvl. by Snidas in the word
  41. 41. Roman Empire. their own for it. They 41 baffled all the art of the moli experienced pilots, by the invention of an en gine which is defcribed by Polybius. In fine, as Jc- war was a fubjedl: of meditation Romans, and peace an exercife. any nation boafted, either from nature or its fephus obferves {a), to the If any peculiar advantage, the Romans immediately made ufe of it they employed their vitmoft endeavours to procure horfes from Numiinfiitution, : bowmen from dia, Crete, fiingers from the Baleares, and mips from the Rhodians. To conclude, no nation in the world ever prewar with fo much wifdom, and carried it pared for on with fo much intrepidity. CHAPTER III. The Methods by which the Romans raifid themfelves to Empire, AS lam€ the people of Europe, in this age, have very near the fame arms, the fame difcipline, the arts, and the fame manner of making v/ar the prodigious fortune, to which the ed, feems incredible to us. Befides, Romans power time divided fo difproportionabiy, that ; attain- is at this not pofpetty ftate to raife itfclf, merely by its Arength from the low condition in which proit is fible for a own vidence has placed it. This merits fome reflefl-ions, otherwife we might behold feveral events without being able to account for them {a) De ; and for want of having a perfe6l idea of Bcllo Judaico, lib. H.
  42. 42. Fall The Rise and 42 of the the different fituation of things, we fhould bellcvf, in perufing antient hiftory, that we view a fett of men different from ourfelves. Experience has fliewn perpetually, that an Eu- ropean prince, who has a million of fubjefts, cannot, without deflroying himfelf, keep up and maintain above ten thoufand foldiers confequently, great ; nations only are polTefTed of armies. But the cafe was different antiently with regard to commonwealths: for this proportion between the and the reil of the people, which is now as one to an hundred, might, in thofe tim.es, be pret» ty near as one is to eight. The founders of antient commonwealths had foldiers msde an equal diflribution of the lands; this cirraifed a nation to pow^r; that is cumflance slone to fay, made a well regulated fociety: it armies ; this alfo being equally the intoo was very great) cf every indi(and vidual, to exert himfelf in defence of his country. gave ftrength to its it this tcreft When laws were not executed in their affairs gour, which we full ri- returned back to the fame point in now fee them : the avarice of fome par- and the lavifh profufenefs of others, occafioned the lands to become the property of a ticular perfons,, few; immediately arts were introduced tofupply the by which reciprocal wants of the rich and poor means there were but very few foldiers or citizens ; feen ; for the revenues of the lands, that had before been employed to fupport the latter, were now beftowed wholly on flaves and artificers, who adminidered to the luxury of the new proprietors; for otherwife the government, which, how licentious focver it be, mud exift, would have been dcftroyed : '
  43. 43. Roman Empire. 43 before the corruption of the ftate, the original revenues of it were divided among the foldiers, that was corrupted, they went them out to flaves and from whom they received by way of triartificers, bute a part for the maintenance of the foldiers; and k was impoilible that people of this caft Ihould be the labourers: after is, who to the rich, firft it let they being cowardly and abject; already corrupted by the luxury of cities, and often by the very art they profelTed; not to mention, that good foldiers, as they could not properly own, and reaped call any country of the fruits every clime, they had very little their induflry in either to lofe or their keep. In the furvey {a) of the people of Rome feme time after the expulllon of the kings, and in that taken by Demetrius Phalereus (^) at Athens, the number of Rome inhabitants was found nearly equal ; had four hundred forty thoufand, Athens four hundred thirty one thoufand. But the furvey Rome was made at the time when its eftablifh- at ment was come to maturity, and that of Athens when it was quite corrupt. We find that the number of citizens, grown up to manhood, made at Rome a fourth part of its inhabitants, and at Athens a of little lefs than the twentieth: the ftrength Rome therefore, to that of Athens, was at thefe different tim.cs almoft as four to twenty, that was five times (a) This nafleus, lib he rpeak«; is larger. the farvey mentioned ix. art of at the 15. and which end of by Dionyfius of Halicarto me to be the fame fcerrif. bii fixth book, made Hx years after the expuKion of the kings. (b) is, it Cteficles ia Athenaeus, lib. vi.
  44. 44. Fall 7^^ Rise and 44 of the (a) Agis and Cleomenes obferving, of thirty thoufand citizens, (for fo that infiead" many were at Sparta in Lycurgus's time) there were but feven hundred, fcarce a hundred of whom were polfelTed of lands and that all the reft were no more than ; a cowardly populace; they laws enafled on undertook to revive the this occafion riod Lacedaemonia recovered ; its and from that peformer pcrvi^er,and again became formidable to all the Greeks. It was the equal diftribution of lands that at enabled and Rome this the to foar above Romans were its firfl humble condition ; flrongly fenfible of in their corrupted flate. This commonwealth w^as confined to narrow bound?, when the Latins having refufed to fuccour them v/ith the troops which had been (b) Hipulated, ten legions were prefently raifed in the city only : fcarce at this time, fays Livy, Rome, whom the whole univerfe is not able to contain, could levy fuch a force, were an tinder its enemy to appear fuddenly walls; a fure indication that we have not power, and have only increafed the luxury and wealth which incommode us. jifen in Tell me, would Tiberius Gracchus the nobles, which of a citizen, or fiil, a foldier, is fay (c) to the mofl: valuable chara£Ver,that of a perpetual or a man flave ? whoism.oft ufe- entirely unfit for war? will- you, merely for the fake of enjoying a few more acres of land than the red of the citizens, quite lay afide the hopes {a) of conquering the See PliUarch's life reft of the v/orld^ of Ck^omenes. Livy I Decad, L. vii. This was fome time after the taking of Rome, under the confuUhip of L. Furius Camiilus, and App. Claudius Crafius. (c) Appian. {b)
  45. 45. Roman E m p r Er i 45 or be expofed to fee yourfelves difpoiTelTed by the <nemy, of thofe very lands which you refufe us ? CHAPTER Of I. the Gauls. 2. IV. 3. Parallel be- Of ?ynhs. tween Carthage and Rome. 4. The JVar of Hannibal. Romans were engaged THE in feveral wars of glory, a conrefolution of con- againft the Gauls: a third: tempt of death, and an inflexible quering, were equal in both nations, but the wea- pons they ufed were different; the bucklers of the were fmall, and their fwords unfit for execu- latter tion the ; and indeed, the Gauls were cut to pieces by after the fame manner as the Romans, much Mexicans, in thefe latter ages, by the Spaniards ; and a furprizing circumfiance is, that though thefe people were combating perpetually with the Romans, they yet fuffered themfelves to be deflroyed one without their ever being fen'lble or obviating, the caufe of their of, enquiring after, after another, calamities. Pyrrhus invaded the P.omans at a time when they were flrong enough to oppcfe the pov.-er of his arms, and to be taught by the viflories he obtained over them from him they learnt to entrench them: choice and proper difoofition of he accuftomed them to elephants, and felves, as alfo the a camp : prepared them for mighder wars. The grandeur of Pyrrhus was to his perfonal qualities. {a) In his life confined merely Plutarch {a) informs us, of Pyrrhus,
  46. 46. The Rise and 46 Fall of the was obliged to begin the war of Macedow from his inability to maintain any longer the nia, fix thoufand foot, and five hundred horfe in his This prince, fovereign of a fmall country fervice. that he which has never made the leaft figure fince his time, was a military rambler, who was continually forming new enterprizes, becaufe he could not but by Tarentum, fubfifl: enterprizing. his ally, had much degenerated from the inPatution of the Lacedaemonians, her ance- He might have done great things with (/?). the aliiilance of the Samnites; but they were alp-iofl: qvu.e deiUoyed by the Romans. flors As grew wealthy fooner thsn were fooner corrupted: thus the Carthaginians the Ronrians, fo they whiiil at Rome, public employments were made the reward of virtue only, and no other emolument accrued from them than honour, and a preference in toils; at Carthage, the fevcral advantages which the public can bellow on particular perfons were venal, and every fervice done by fuch perfons was there paid by the public. A monarchy is not dragged nearer to the brink of ruin by the tyranny of a prince, than a commonwealth by a lukewarmnefs and indilference for the general good. The advantage of a free ftate is, that the revenues are employed in it to thcbeft purpofes but where does not the reverfe of advantap^e of a free flate is, that it ; happen the admits of no fathis ! when the contrary is feen, and inftead ; but of the friends and relations of a prince, great forvourites tunes are amalTed for the friends and relations of all perfons who have any (J>) fliare in tlie JuQin, lib. xx. government; in ,
  47. 47. Roman Empire. 47 an univerfal ruin muft enfue; the laws are then eluded more dangeroufly, than they are inthis cafe fringed by a fovereign prince, who, being always the greateft citizen in the ftate, is moft concerned to labour at its prefervation. the conftant practice of ancient cuftoms and manners, and a peculiar ufe that was made of poin Rome were verty, the fortunes of all the people By very near upon a level; but in Carthage, fome boafled the wealth of kings. particular perfons The two prevailing fad^ions in Carthage were fo divided, that the one was always for peace, and the other always for war ; by v/hich means it was im- that city, either to enjoy the one, or poffible for engage in the other to advantage. (a) war immediately united the feveral but in Carthage it divided them ftill more. In a monarchy, feuds and divifions are eafily In Rome, interefts, quieted, becaufe the prince is invejfted with a coercive power to curb both parties; but they are more lafting in a commonwealth, becaufe the evil genevery power which only could have rally feizes the wrought In a cure. Rome, which was governed by laws, the peomanagement of af- ple entrufled the fenate with the fairs; but in Carthage, which was governed by fraud (a) Hannibal's prefence put an end to vifions which till then prevailed among all the the feuds and di- Romans j hut the prefence of Scipio irritated thofe which already fubfifted among the Carthaginians, and ftiakled, as it were, the ftrength of the city; for the common people now grew diffident of the gene- the fenate, and the great men; and this made the people more furious. Appian has given us the hiftory of this war, rals, carried on by the fixd Scipio*
  48. 48. The Rise and 48 and Fall of the would themfelves difTolutenefs, the people tran- fact all things. Carth:.ge, in yarring with all its riches agalnfl: a difadvantage in this poverty of Rome, had very circumflance; for gold and filver may be the exhaufted, but virtue, perfeverance, ftrength and poverty are inexhauftible. The Romans v/ere ambitious through pride, and the Carthaginians through avarice ; the former would command, the latter amafs; and thefe whofe minds were v/holly turned to traffic, perpetually calling up their income and expcnces, never engaged in any war from inclination. The of of a people, the the confumption of the public treatrade, fure,the infurreftion of neighbouring nations, might lofs battles, the decreafe decay of force the Carthaginians to fubmit to the (everefl: terms of peace: but Rome was not fwayed by the confidcration of blefTmgs or calamities, being de- termined by no other motive but Romans were perfuaded without commanding over as the exift its glory; and they could not others, neither hopes, nor fears of any kind, could prevail with them to conclude a peace, the conditions of which were not prefcribed by themfelves. Nothing is fo powerful as a commonwealth in which the laws are exaflly obferved, and this not from fear nor from reafon, but from a pafTionate impulfe, as in wifdom of a Rome and Lacedaemon good legiflature is ; for then the united to all the flrength a faction could poffibly boaft. The Carthaginians made ufe of foreign forces, and the Romans employed none but their own. As the latter had never confidered the vanquiflied but
  49. 49. Roman Empire. 45 merely as fomany inftruments for future triumphs; they made foldiers of the feveral people they conquered; and the greater oppofition thofeniade^ the more worthy they judged them of being Thus we rated into their reoublic. who were nites, not fubdued become incorpo-j find the Sam- after four till auxiliaries to the and Ro^ twenty ti-iumphs (<^), mans; and fome time before. the fecond Panic war, they raifed from among that nation and their allies {b)y that is, from a country of little more extent than the territories of the pope and Naples, feven hundred thoufand foot, and feventy thoufand horfe^ to oppofe the Gauls. In the height of the fecond Punic war, Rome had always a ftanding army of twenty two or twenty four legions; and yet it appears by jLivy, that at this time the cenfus, or general furvey, a- mounted The to but about 137000 Carthaginians employed troops in invading others, fending themfclves; jufl: now feen, citizens. a greater number of and the Romans in de-. we have of men to. the latter arm.ed, as a prodigious multitude oppofe the Gauls and Hannibal who invaded thm ; and they fent out no more than two legions againft the moft powerful kings; by which m.eans their forces were inexhauflible. Carthage was not fo ftrong from its fituation, as Rome from the fpot on which it ftood ; the latter had thirty colonies (f) round it, all which were as {a) Flor. 1. i. See Polybius. According to the epitome of Florus they raifed three hundred thoufand men out of the city and amono' {b) the Latins. (c) c See Livy, lib. xxvii.
  50. 50. Fall ^he Rise and 50 of the many bulwarks. The Romans were fo doned by one of nae ; the reafon of Italy Is, never aban- the battle till their fovereignty. the cities of Africa were poorly they prefently furrendered to the tified, that appeared under Regulus, Scipio, of Can- the Samnites and other nations were ufed to As moft of on their allies for- enemy firft their walls; fo that Agathocles, in a word, who made all a defcent thofe places, immediately fpread defpair through Carthage. all We can afcrlbe to nothing but to an evil admi- niflration, the feveral calamities which the Cartha- ginians fuiTered during the whole war that Scipio carried on again ft them; their city (<?), and even their armies were famifhed, at the fame time that Romans enjoyed a profufion of all things. the Carthaginians, the armies which had been defeated grew more infolent upon it, info^ the Among much that they fometimes ufcd to crucify their generals, puniQiing own cowardice. them Among in this the manner after punifhing fuch foldiers as had fled a {a) decimation, colours, by ins: forces a^ainft the enemy. The governmxent of the opprefFive ((t): from their marched the furviv- Carthaginians was vaftly they had trampled fo much upon the Spaniards, that, (a) for their the conful, Romans, See Appian, when lib. the Romans arrived among Lybicus. on thofe who had {I) This puniihment, which was inf!i£led run from their colours, on mutineers, etc. was thus the nanr.es were of all the criminals, together in a veflel or fhield, : being put afterwards drawn our, every tenth reprieve. yet all By were (r) See what this means, terrified into is related though man being all obedience. to die without were not put to death, Note by the tranjlotor, by Polybius concerning their exadions.
  51. 51. Roman Empire, 51 tiiem, they were confidered as their deliverers ; and if we refle£l upon the immenfe fums it cofl: the Car- thaginians to maintain in that country, a war which proved fatal to them, it will appear that injuftice is ve- ry improvident, and is not miftrefs of all (lie proraifes. very much lefIn the firfl ages, fu- The founding of Alexandria had fened the trade of Carthage. in perlVition ufed to baniih, reigners from Egypt; and conquered this fome meafure, all after the Perflans kingdom, they had bent their fo- had whole thoughts to the weakening of their new fubje(fl:s; but under the Grecian monarchs, Egypt poflTefTed almoft the whole commerce of the univerfe (^), and of Carthage began to decay. that Such powers, as are eftablifned by commerce, for a long feries of years in their hummay ble condition, but their grandeur is of fhort durafubllfl: tion ; rife by little and little, and in an impermanner, for they do not perform any parexploit which may make a noife, and figna- they ceptible ticular power: but when they have once railed themfelves to fo exalted a pitch, that it is impoifible but all rnufl: fee them, every one endeavours to lize their deprive this nation of an advantage which it had fnatched, as it were, from the reH: of the world. The Carthaginian cavalry v.as preferable to that of the Romans, for thefe two reafons; firft, becaufe the horfes of Numldla and Spain were better than ; fecondly, becsufe the Roman cavalry v/as but indifferently provided with arms; for the Romans, as (b) Polybius informs us, did not in- thofe of Italy {a) {h) See more of Sock vi. " this hereafter in chap. vi» C -2
  52. 52. The Rise and 52 Fall of f be troduce any change on this occailon, as they fought in Greece. In the fuch time Punic war, Regulus was defeated firfl as the Carthaginians cavalry to engage in owed till as foon made ; choice of plains for their and in the fecond,(<2) Hannibal Numidians. by the conqueft of Spain, and the alliance his moll: glorious victories to the Scipio, he made with Mafmilla, deprived the Carthaginians of this fuperiority: the Numidian cavalry won the battle of Zama, and put an end to the war. The Carthaginians had greater experience at fea, in the working of rt:iips than and were better IMUed the Romans but : advantage feems to have been it would be in the prefent. this lefs in thofe ages than As pafs, the ancients had not the ufe they were confined indeed they had nothing but fmall and flat bottomed ; of the fea-com- almofl: to coafting; gallies, mofi: roads and which were were to them knowlege of their pilots many harbours; was very narrow and contracted, and their tackle Their art itfelf was fo imperextremely fimple. the as fo fect, that as much is oars, as in thofe ages Their larger that being ley-flaves, veifels moved with it was now done with an hundred wath a thoufand. had a difadvantage in this, by the crew of gal- difficulty impoffible for them to make the Mark Antony experienced neceifary evolutions. at A£tium ; for his this, in the moft fatal manner, fnips on were not all fides (rt) The able to by the move about, lighter veficls when attacked of Augufi:us. circumftance which gave the Romans an oppor- a little breath in the fecond Punic war, was tunily of taking whole bodies of Numidian cavahy went over into SiciJy this, and Italy, and there joined them. ^
  53. 53. Roman Empire. 53 As the ancients ufed nothing but galleons, the lighter vefiels eafily broke the oars of the greater ones, which were then but as fo immoveable machines, have lofl; like many modern fliips unwieldy, when they their mafts. Since the invention of the fea-compafs, diiferent methods have been employed ; oars {a) have been laid aiide; the miain ocean has been vifited, great fliips have been built; the machine is become more complicated, and the pra£ices have been multiplied. The difcovery of gun -powder has occafioned a circumflance one would no ways have fufpefted, which that the (Irength of fleets depends m^ore for in order to refid the fury ; is, than ever upon art of the cannon, and prevent the being expofed to a fuperior fire, it was neceffary to build great fliips ; but the power of the art muft be proportioned to the bulk of the machine. The fmall vefTels of the antients ufed often to grapple fijddenly with one another, on which occa(ion the foldiers engaged on both fides t a whole land-army was (hipped on board a fxeet. In the fcawon by Regulus and his coUegue, an hundred and thirty thoufand Romans fought againft an hunfight dred and fcldiers ifis %e fifty thoufand Carthaginian-s were looked upon : at that time as confiderable, and art- but in thefe ages, the foldiers confidered as little or nothing, and artifls the the very reverfe ; very ^contrary. A . (rt) flrong proof of the difference is the victory Hence we may judge of the imperfe^licn of the anticnt we have laid afide a practice in hicb we had fo .navies, fince over them. ^iTiUch fuperiority
  54. 54. Fall 54 ^he Rise and won by DuilHus the conful : the of the Romans were to- ignorant of navigation, when a Carthaginian galley, happening to be flranded on their coafi:, tally ferved them as a model for the building of others: in three months time their Tailors were trained, their fleet put to was completely fitted out*, the Romans came up with the Carthaginians, and fea, defeated them. In this age, the whole life of a prince is fearce fuiHcient for the raifing and equipping a navy capable to make head againfl a power already pofTeffed of the empire of the fea this perhaps may be the only thing which money cannot of itfelf eife£l:; : and though a great {a^ monarch in our ceeded im.roediately in an attempt of da3^s fucthis kind, experience has proved to others (b)y that fuch an example is to be admired rather than imitated » The fecond Punic war the world, that it is known made fo much to every one. noife in "When we furvey attentively the croud of obflacles which flarted up before Hannibal, and reflefl:, that this extra- ordinary man furmounted them all, we view the mofi: auguft fpe^lacle that antiquity can pofTibly exhibit. was a miracle in conftancy and refolution Rome after the battles fymenus ; of Ticinus, of Trebia, and ThraCannae, which was flill after the defeat at them, though they faw themfelves abandoned by mofl: of the nations in Italy, yet they would not fue for peace; and for this reafon, the more fatal to ienate never once receded from their antient max- ims: theycondu£led themfelves towards Hannibal, in tlie fame manner as they had before behaved with re- {a) Lewis XIV. Q) Spain and Mufcovy,
  55. 55. Roman Empire. to gard to Pyrrhus, whom they refufed all 55 terms of accommodation, till fuch time as he fhould leave HalicarnalTeus (^) informs ns, Italy ; and Dionyfius with the Rqthat, when Coriolanus was treating never infringe nians, the fenate declared they would their people could not their ancient cuftoms ; that conclude a peace fo long as the enemy fhould continue in their territories ; but that in cafe the Volfit to retire, they then fhould aterms that were juft and reafonable. any Rome was faved by the ftrength and vigour of its fcians would think gree to inftitution : after the battle men were not allowed to of Cannae, their very wo- il:ied tears: the fenate refuf- ed to ranfom the prifoners, and fent the miferable remainsof thearmy to carry on the war in Sicily, unrecompenfed, and deprived of every military honour, till fuch time as Hannibal was driven out of Italy. On had the other fide, Terentius Varro the conful fled ignominioufly as far as VenuCia. this man, was very mean, had been raifed whofe to the confuliliip merely to mortify the nobles. However the fenate would not enjoy the unhappy triumph : they faw how neceiTary it was for them to gain the confidence of the people on this occa(lon; they therefore went out to meet Varro, and : extra(ftion returned him thanks for not defpairing of the fafety of the commonwealth. It is commonly not the real lofs fuftained in a of the flaughter of fome thoufand men) which proves fatal to a flate, but the imaginary lofs, the general damp which deprives it even of that battle, (that which fortune had left ftrength and vigour {a) Antiq. . Rom. C4 1. viii. it.
  56. 56. The Rise and 56 Some things are afTerted have been afTerted once : Fall by it all is oftbe , men, becaufe they thouoht Hannibal committed an egregious error in not laying fiege to Rome after the battle of Cannae: it muft be con^t9iQd, firft that the inhabitants of the former were feized with a panic; but then the furprize at and dread, of a martial people, which always turns to bravery, is not like that of a defpicable populace, who are fenfihle to nothing but their weaknefs: a proof Hannibal would not have fucceeded, is, that the Romans were full powerful enough to fend iuccoars where any v/ere wanted. It is alfo faid, that Hannibal was greatly overfeen, in marching his to Capua, army where his foldiers enervated themfelves; but people who make thefe aiTertions Ihould confider, that they do not go back to the true caufe of would not every place have body of men, who had enrich- it to a a : Capua proved ed themfelves with the fpoils of fo many vl(5lories ? Alexander, whofe army confided of his own fubon the like occafion, of an expedije(fl:s, made ufe, ent which Hannibal, whofe army was compofed wholly of mercenaries, could not employ; and this to the baggage of his foldiers, was, the fetting fire and burning: their wealth all and his own. The very conquefls of Hannibal began to change the fortune of the war he did not receive any fuc: cours from Carthage, either by the jealoufy of one party, or the too great confidence oi the other. So his whole army together, he always Romans; but when he was obliged to long as he kept defeated the put garrifons into cities, to defend his iiege (lrong-holds,or prevent allies, to bc- their being bcfieged, he then found himfelf too weak, and lofl a great part
  57. 57. R M A O E M N P R I E. ^y Conqueils are eauly arm}^ by piece-meal. atchieve them Vv'ith our whole made, bccaufe we force ; they are r^cained with difficulty, becaufe we of his defend them with oDly a part of our forces. CHAPTER T/:e State of V. cy Greece, c/ Macedonia, Egypt, after the deprej[fion q/' Syria, aud of Carthage. in witticifms, Imagine Hannibal did not abound in favour of Fabius and Marcelius aefpecially gainfl flowers on am lorry to fee Livy ftrew his thefe enormous ColoiTufes of antiquity % I hirafelf. fo well who neglecfls emhow to put them made to fpeak ought to wiih he had done like Homer, I beliilhing in them, and knew motion. - Befides, what Hannibal is the defeat if, on hearing of his brother, he faid publicly, that it was the prelude of the ruin of Carthage, could any thing have have common fenfe: but a greater tendency to drive to defpair a people who their confidence in him, and to difcouhad placed rage an army which expelled fiich high recompences after the As war ? the Carthaginians loft every battle they fought, cither in Spain, in Sicily, or in Sardinia; Hannibal, whofe enemies were fortifying themfelves inceffant- very inconfiderable reinforcements were fent him, was reduced totheneceffity of engaging ly, whilft in a defenfive war: this fiiggefled to the Romans making Africa the feat of v/ar. Acof the world^. cordingly Scipiowent into that part and fo great v/as his fiiccefs, that the Carthagimthe defign of C5
  58. 58. Fall The Rise and 58 of the ans were forced to recal from Italy Hnnnlbal, who for grief at his furrendermg to the Romans thofe very plains, in v/hich he had fo often tri- wept umphed over them. Whatever is in the power of and a great foldier to perform, all a great general did this Plannibal to fave his country: having fruitlefsly endeavoured to bring Scipio to pacific terms, he fought a battle, in which fortune feemed to delight in confounding and good fenfe. his ability, his experience, Carthage received the conditions of peace, not from an enemy, but from a fovereign the citizens of it obliged themfelves to pay ten thoufand talents in fifty years, to give hoflages, to deliver up their jQjips and elephants, and not to engage in any war without the confent of the Romans; and in order *, that this republic might always continue in a dejected flate, the vi<5lors heightened the power of MafinilTa, its irreconcileable enemy. After the deprelTion of Carthage, the Romans were fcarce engaged but in petty wars, and obtained mighty viOories ; whereas before, they had obtain- ed but petty vidtories, and been engaged in mighty xvars. There were in thofe times two worlds, as it were, feparate from each other in one, the Carthaginians and Romans fought and the other was ihaken by the feuds and divifions which had fubfifted ever fince the death of Alexander. In the latter, no regard was had {a) to the tranfaOions of the wefiern world ; ; : for though Philip king of IMacedon had concluded {a) It Appioa, 15 furprlzing, as Jofepbus obferves in his treatife againft tljat neither Herodotus nor Thwcjdides make the ieafl
  59. 59. Roman Empire. a treaty with Hannibal, yet very little ^g refulted from it; and this monarch, who gave the Carthaginians but very incon/Iderablc fuccours, juft (Iiewed the Romans that he bore them a fruitlefs ill-will. When two mighty people are Teen to wage a long and obflinate war, it is often ill policy ta imagine that it is fafe for the refl: of the world to continue as fo many idle for which fpectators; two people triumphs over engages immediately in new wars; and foever of the of foidiers but fo the other, a nation who marches and invades nations are citizens. many This was very manifeft in thofe ages; for fcarce had the Romans fubjecled the Carthaginians, but they immediately invaded other nations, and ap» all parts of the earth, carrying univerfal invafion. peared in There were at that time In the eafl on an but four powers capable of making head againfl: the Romans ; Greece, the kingdoms of Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt: we muft that time, the of the take a view of the condition, twofiril: Romans began by There were at at' of thofe powers; becaufe fubje<fting them. that time three confiderable people in Greece, the jEtolians, the Achainns, and the Boe-' otians; thefe free cities, were magiftrates in tial, fo which had bold, rafn many aiTociations common. The ; formed by their general aiTemblies and- ^Etolians, greedy of gain, very were marof their laviih in fine,, a peopre who warred promifes and oaths on land in the fame manner as pirates do at fea. ; The Achaians were incommoded perpetudly by ncn>ion of the Romans though they had been engaged ia fuch mighty wars.
  60. 60. 6o I'he Rise and Fall of the troublefome neighbours or defenders. The Boeotians, who were the moft heavy people of all Greece, but fame time the at the lived generally in wifeil:, guided entirely by a fenfation of happinefs and mifery, they had noi: genius enough to be either peace ; What rouzed or mifguided by orators. traordinaiy, their republic fubililed is mofl: ex- even in the midft of anarchy {a). Lacedaemon had preferred I mean its power, by which which the inilitutions of that warlike fpirit Lycurgus infpired. The Theiralians were, in fome meafure, enuaved by the Macedonians. The Illyrian kings had already been very much deprelTed by the Romans. The Acarnanians and Athamanes had been cruelly infcfted by the ti-cops of tolia fucceffively. The and unfupported by feives i^oniihed the world, lavifhcd Macedon and yE- Athenians, weak in them(b) allies, except by the on kings; and the orators no longer flatteries a- they no more a- fcended the Rollra where Demofthenes had ha- rangued, unlefs to propofe the bafeft and mofl fcandalous decrees. Befides, on, Greece was formidable from flrength, the multitude of its TiUmber of its foldiers, The Greeks delighted art of it ; its fituati- its cities, the great polity, manners and laws. war; they knew the whole its in and, had they united, would have been invincible. (fl) The magirtrates, to pleafe the multltiide, did not open the courts of juftice: and the dying beq^ueatbed their eiFc^^s to See a fragment of the their friends, to be laid out in feaiis. atxth (b) book of Polybius, They were in the not engaged nations of Greece. Polyb. Extrad of in any lib. viii» Virtues and Vices. alliance with the other
  61. 61. Roman Empire. They indeed had been terrified by the firft 6i Philip, by Alexander, and by Antipater, but not fubdued ; and the kings of Macedon, who could not prevail with themfelves to lay afide their pretenfions and their hopes, made the moft oblVmate attempts to en Have them. The greatefl part of Macedonia was furroundcd with inaccelTible mountains; the inhabitants of it were formed by nature for war, courageous, obedient, induitrious and indefatigable qualities muft neceffarily have climate, fince the natives of befl: foldiers in the and thcfe. are, to this day, the Turkiih empire. Greece maintained the Lacedaemonians it ; been owing to the itfelf by a kind of balance;, v/ere generally in alliance with the iEtolians, and the Macedonians with the Achai- ans ; but tiie arrival of the Romans c^uite dedroycd the aequilibrium. As the kings of Macedonia were not able to main- body of troops, the leafl lofs was of conto them ; befides, it was diificult for thele fequence monarchs to aggrandize themfelves; becaufe,as their tijin a large ambitious views were not unknown, other nations kept a watchful eye over every ftep they took and the fucceffes they obtained in the wars, undertaken -, for the fake of their allies, was an evil which thefe endeavoured immediately to remed}^ JBut the kings of Macedonia generally poiTelTed like thofe great talents; their monarchy was not very allies which proceed for ever in the fame fteps that were taken at the foundation of them. In{>ru£led perpetually by dangers and experience, involved in all the difputes of Greece, it was neceiTary for them ;. ,
  62. 62. 62 The Rise and Fall of the either to bribe the principal niagiflrates of cities, to raife a mid before the eyes of nations, or to divide or unite their interefls ; bliged to expofe, every the greareft dangers. who in word, they were o- in a moment, their perfons to the beginning of his reign had won the love and confidence of the Greeks, by his mo- Philip, deration, changed on a fudden he became {a) a cruel tyrant, at a time when he ought to have behaved ^vith juftice, both from policy and ambition he faw, ; ; berlefs forces ; vantage of his Romans of numhe had concluded the war to the ad- at a diftance, the though allies, pofTelTed and was reconciled to the was natural he fliould ^- now endeavour to tolians; it unite the Greeks with himfelf,in order to prevent' all the Romans from far from pations ; fettling in their country; but fo he exafperated them by petty ufurand trifled away his time in examiningthis, little or no confequence, at a time when very exigence was endangered ; by the commifficn of three or four evil aftrons, he made him- affairs of his felf odious and deteftable to all Greece. The ^tolians were moil exafperated, and the Romans fnatching the opportunity of their refentment; or rather of their foil}'", made an alliance with them, entered Greece, and armed it againft Philip^ This prince was defeated at the battle of Cynocephalae, and the vl<ftory valour of the ^^.tolians upon this, : was fo partly gained by the mAich was he intimidated that he concluded a treaty, which was not fo properly a peace,, as the renouncing his own ftrength ; for he evacuated hisgarrifonsin all Greece, {a) See Polyb. who relates tlie urjufl and crael which Philip loA the favour of the people. aprons by
  63. 63. Roman Empire. delivered up his fliips, 63 and bound himfelf under an a ihoufand talents in ten year^. obligation of paying Polybius compares, with his ufiial good fenfe, the. difpofition of the Roman armies with that of the {a) Macedonians, who which was obferved by ail the he points out the fucceeded Alexander ; kings conveniencies as well as inconveniencies of the phalanx and of the legion : he prefers the difpofition ufed by the Romans, in which he very probably was fince all the battles fought at that time iliew right, it to have been preferable. The fuccefs, which the Romans obtained over Philip, w^as the greateft ftep they ever a general conqueft : took towards make fure of Greece, they poiiible to deprefs the ^to- to employed all methods lians, by whofe afiiilance they had been vitftorious % they ordained, moreover, that every city of Greece, which had been fubjecl to Philip, or any other ^overeign prince, iliould from that time be governed by its own laws. It is very evident, that thefe petty commonwealths muft neceffarily be dependent: the Greeks abandoned themfelves to a ftupid jo^^, and fondly imagined they were really free, becaufe the Rom- ans had declared them to be fo. The bear jEtollans, fway who had imagined in Greece, finding they they fhould had only brought {a) A drcumftatice which had contributed very much to the danger to which the Romans were expofed in the fecond Funic war, was, Hannibal's prefently arming his foldiers afccr the Roman manner; arms or their but way of tlie Greeks did fighting: riot change either their and could not prevail with themfelves to lay afide cuftoms, b)' the obfervance of which they had perfortaed fuch mig^lity things*
  64. 64. ^he Rise and 64 Fall of the tbemfclves under fubjetlion^ were feized with the deepeft grief; and as they had always formed ddperate refolutions, they invited, in order to correct one extravagance by another, Antiochus king of SyGreece, in the fame manner as they had before invited the Romans. The kings of Syria were the moH: powerful of ria into Alexander's fucceiTors, they being poficffed of almofl all the dominions of Darius, Egypt excepall ted ; but by the concurrence of feveral circuraflanpower had been much weakened. ces, their Seleucus, who founded deflroyed, towards the the Syrian empire, had end of his life, the latter kingdom of Lyfimachus. During the feuds and took up arms; the dijflraftions, of Pergamus, of Cappadocia and of Bikingdoms thynia, ftarted up ; but thefe petty, fearful ftates always confidered the depreffion of their former makers as the making of their own fortune. feveral provinces As the kings of Syria always beheld, with a mod: invidious eye, the felicity of the kingdom of Egypt, they bent their v/hole thoughts to the conqueft o? that country; by this means, neglecting the eafi^ they were difpoffelfed of feveral provinces there, and but indifferently obeyed in the refV. In fine, the kings of Syria pofTefled upper and lower Afia but experience has (hewn, that in this the capital city and the chief forces are in the lower provinces of Afia, there is no poflibi- cafe, ; when of maintaining the upper ones; and on the contrary, when the feat of the empire is in the upper provinces, the monarch weakens himfelf by main- lity taining the lower ones. ]S either the Periian Syrian empires v/ere ever fo powerful as that nor of the -»
  65. 65. Roman E m p i r e.^ 65 though thcfe reigned over but part of the formed the dominions of thofe two provinces which powers. Had Cyrus not conquered the kingdom of Lydia had Seleucus continued in Babylon, and let Parthians, ; of Antigonus the fuccefTors vinces, the Greeks poffefs the maritime pro- would never have conquered the Perfian empire, nor the Romans that of Seleucus^ Nature has prefcribed certain limits to dates, pur- pofely to mortify the ambition of mortals : when the Romans ftepped beyond thofe limits, the greatfll part of them were deflroyed by the Parthians (a) when ; the Parthians prefumed to pafs thera^ they were forced immediately to retire back ; and in our days, fuch Turks, as advanced be3'ond thofe boundaries, were obliged to return whence they came. The kings of Syria and Egypt had, in their refpe<ftlve dominions, two kinds of fubje6ls, viflorious cations, and nations vanquifhed; the former, flill were ruled were not fired with very ^reat diificulty they fpirit of independence which animates us to puffed V^ith that up with the idea of their origin, ; flaake olf the makes us yoke, but with that impatience which change our fovereign. But the chief weaknefs of the kingdorq of Syria fprung from that of the court, where fuch monarchs vviih to prciided as were fucceflors to Darius, not to Alexander. Luxury, vanity, and effeminacy, which have prevailed through umphed more (a) I all ages in the Afiatic courts, triof Syria : the evil particularly in that have given the reafbn of this in the xvii. chapter, borrowed part'y from the geographical di/pofuion of the two empires,
  66. 66. The Rise and Fall of the the common people and the foldiers, 66 infefted and: catched the very Romans themfelves ; fince the war, in which they engaged againft Antiochus, is the aera of their corruption. ^uch was the condition of the kingdom of Syria, when Antiochus, who had performed fuch mighty things, declared war againft the Romans. But he did tri^e not condudl himfelf in it with the wifdom which even emplo3^ed in common affairs Hannibal requefted, either to have the war revived in Italy, is : and Philip bribed j or elfe that he might be pre- upon to ftand neuter. Antiochus did nothe appeared in follow any part of this advice vailed : Greece with only a fmall part of his forces, and as though he were come merely to fee the war, not to carry it on, he followed nothing but his pleafures,* by which means he was defeated and Afia, terrified rather Philip, mans, as who was though out of fled than conquered. dragged to this war by the Rohad fwept him along, em- a flood ployed his whole power in their fervice, and became the inflrument of their victories ; the pleafure of taking vengeance of, and laying wafte iEtolia; the promife made him of lefTening the tri- bute he paid, and of leaving him the pofTeffion of certain cities; fome perfonal jealoufy of i^ntiochus; word, a few inconfiderable motives fwayed his and not daring fo much as to think of fhaking off the yoke, he only confidered how in a refolutions; he might beft lighten it. Antiochus formed fo wrong a judgment of things, as to fancy that the Romans would not moleft in Ada ; however, they followed him thither he *, him was again overcome, and, in his conflernation, confent* i
  67. 67. Roman Empire. ed to the 67 mofl infamous treaty that ever was con- cluded by Co mighty a prince. I cannot recollect any thing fo magnanimous, as by a monarch in our days (<?), to bury himfelf under the ruins of the throne, rafo ther than accept of terms unworthy of a king was his foul that he could not floop lower haughty a refolution taken : than his misfortunes had thrown him and he was ; courage may, but infamy never freih (Irength to the regal diadem. give often meet with princes who have flvill very fenfible, that can, We enough to light a battle, but with very few that on a war; of making a proper ufe of fortune and of waiting for her; and who join to a frame of mind, which raifes fufpicions before it have the talents requifite for carrying who are equally capable makes them executes, fuch a difpofition as fearlefs they have once executed. After the depreiTion of Antiochus, only fome after confiderable if powers remained, we in- except Egypt, from the advantageof its fituation, its fertiits commerce, the great number of its inhability, tants, its naval and land forces, might have been forwhich, midable; but the cruelty of ice, their ous fenfualities, je£ls, part, It its kings, their avarice, their imbecillity, made them and coward- their enorm- fo odious to their fub- that they fupported themfelves, for the moft by the protection of the P.omans. was a kind of fundamental law, with regard to the crown of Egypt, nity in the the fifler. that the fillers fliould fuc- and in order to preferve uthe brother was married to government, it is fcarce poITible to figure any ceed with the brothers ; Now (a) Lewis XIV.
  68. 68. 7he Rise 68 thing more ajtd Fall of the pernicious in politics than fuch of rucceffion ; for an ordef as all the little domeftic feuds rofe fo high as to diforder the ftate; whichfoever of the two parties had the leaft difcontent, immediately excited againfl the other the inhabitants of Alexandria, a numberlefs multitude, always prepared to join with the of firft their kings who fliould rouze were for ever princes who actually reigned, and pretenders to the crown. And as the kingdoms of Gyrene and Cyprus were gene* rally poflelTed by other princes of that houfe, who them ; fo that there laid their refpedlive claims to means the throne of the whole; thefe princes by was ever that totter- and being indifferently fettled at home, they had no power abroad. The forces of the kings of Egypt, like thofe of the Afiatic monarchs, were compofed of auxiliary ing; Greeks. Befides the fpirit of glory, which animated inceflantly kind. In employed all wherein the of liberty, of honour, and the latter people, they were in bodily exercifes of every games were inftituted, were crowned in the prefence of their chief cities viiflors Greece, which raifed a general emulation : now, in an age when combatants fought with arms, the fuccefs of which depended on their ftrength and all dexterity, it is natural to fuppofe that men, thus excrcifed, mufl: have had a great advantage over a croud of Barbarians, who were enlifled at random, and dragged indifcriminately into the evident from the armies of Darius. field; as was The Romans, in order to deprive the kings of fuch a body of foldiery, and to bereave them, but in an eafy filent manner, of obferved two things: firft, their principal forces, they ellabliihed by in-
  69. 69. Roman Empire, degrees as a fenfible maxim, with 69 refpe^l to all the of Greece, that they fhould not conclude any or make war againfl any alliance, give any fuccour, cities ration whatfoever without their confent in their treaties : fecondly, with {a) kings, they forbad them any forces from among the allies of the Romans, by which means, thofe monarchs were to levy reduced to employ their national troops only. CHAPTER The Condii6i ivhich the to Romans fubdue DURING which it is ohfervedy in order all nations, the courfe ty, in VI. of fo mighty ufual for a profperi- mankind to for- the fenate continued to a6l with the get themfelves, fame depth of judgment ; and whilft their armies were fpreading an univerfal terror, they would not fuffer thofe to rife who were once depreffed. A which judged all nations: at the of every war they determined the rewards or punifliments which every one had merited; they tribunal arofe clofe took away, from the vanquilhed people, part of and gave them to their allies, in which did two things ; they engaged, in the interefls they of Rome, princes from whom they had little to fear, and much to hope; and they weakened o- their lands, thers from whom they had nothing to hope, and every thing to fear. (fl) They had before obferved this political condu£l with whom they obliged by the treaty- regard to the Carthaginians, concluded with them, as appears from to employ ro longer a fragment of Dion, auxiliary troops,

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