Recommendations for the development of informal intercultural training itineraries

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Final report, developed within the framework of work package 3 "Definition of intercultural competences to be trained on informal and non-formal environments".

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Recommendations for the development of informal intercultural training itineraries

  1. 1. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THEDEVELOPMENT OF INFORMALINTERCULTURAL TRAININGITINERARIESP4I - Playing for InterculturalityRef. 518475-LLP-1-2011-1-ES-GRUNDTVIG-GMPVersion 1 (2012)CNIPA PUGLIA (Coord.)
  2. 2. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF INFORMAL INTERCULTURAL TRAINING ITINERARIES Work Package 3 DEFINITION OF INTERCULTURAL COMPETENCES TO BE TRAINED ON INFORMAL AND NON FORMAL ENVIRONMENTS DELIVERABLE 4 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE DEVELPMENT OF INFORMAL INTERCULTURAL TRAINING ITINERARIES P4I - PLAYING FOR INTERCULTURALITY. Ref. 518475-LLP-1-2011-1-ES- GRUNDTVIG-GMP This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of www.p4i-project.eu the information contained thereinThis project has been funded with support from the European Commission. p4i@inveslan.com This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein This project has been funded with support from the European Commission. This publication reflects the views only of the author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.
  3. 3. TABLE OF CONTENTSI. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 2II. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................................. 3III. REPORTS FROM THE PARTNERS ..................................................................................................... 4IV. MAIN KNOWLEDGE ...................................................................................................................... 54.1 SUMMARY OF DESK RESEARCH .................................................................................................. 5A. SOCIAL KNOWLEDGE ................................................................................................................. 7B. ANTHROPOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE ........................................................................................ 23C. EDUCATIONAL KNOWLEDGE ................................................................................................... 42D. LAW KNOWLEDGE .................................................................................................................... 49E. GEOPOLITICAL KNOWLEDGE .................................................................................................. 62F. PSYCHOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE ............................................................................................. 67G. HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE ................................................................ 735. REPORT ON SURVEY CONDUCTED FOCUS GROUP ................................................................. 785.1 OBJECTIVES OF SURVEY CONDUCTED FOCUS GROUP ......................................................... 785.2 SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................... 795.3 SURVEY ON FOCUS GROUP ...................................................................................................... 806. INTERCULTURAL SKILLS................................................................................................................ 1056.1 THEORY AND DEFINITION OF INTERCULTURAL SKILLS............................................................ 1056.2 INTERCULTURAL SKILLS FOR THE SOCIAL GAME .................................................................... 1107. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF INFORMAL INTERCULTURAL TRAININGITINERARIES ...................................................................................................................................... 1128. BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................ 115
  4. 4. I. INTRODUCTION 2The study below is the result and the synthesis of a nationwide survey conducted by members ofthe LLP Grundtvig project called Playing for Interculturality. This work is done as part of WorkPackage 3 of a project that has 7 work packages, each of which is functional with respect to theother.The organization and implementation WP3 was done by the Italian partner CNIPA Apulia and wasbuilt during the first half of 2012.The aim of the project is to create a social game in 3D that would allow adults to learn key skills,playing.This paper aims to define the intercultural skills necessary to the trainers to interact and learn byplaying, culturally and linguistically different adults in informal and / or non-formal, focusing onaspects of interpersonal relationships in pluralism.Furthermore, after a careful examination of the works received from all partners and conducted atnational and local level, the recommendations adopted will be universally valid, but here, usefulabove all to the manager of WP 4 and the entire group of partners, to develop informalintercultural training itineraries to build a social game, thanks to which, hopefully, adults of differentcultures and located in different countries can, thanks to network, interact and learn through play.Key competences for lifelong learning related to the recommendation adopted by the EuropeanParliament and Council 18 December 2006 that part of a process that began following theEuropean Council in Lisbon in 2000 and known as the Lisbon Strategy , which has as its ultimateobjective of making Europe the knowledge-based economy more competitive and dynamicknowledge.Key competences for lifelong learning are: 1. Communication in the mother tongue; 2. Communication in foreign languages; 3. Mathematical competence and basic competences in science and technology; 4. Digital competence; 5. Learning to learn; 6. Social and civic competences; 7. Spirit of initiative and entrepreneurship; 8. Cultural awareness and expression.
  5. 5. II. METHODOLOGY 3To develop the research Guidelines were drawn up "THEORY OF SOCIAL GAMING DEVICES:Intercultural MEETING" to which all the Project Partners have referred. It’s been asked everyone tolead:A Research Desk that each partner has carried out in their own country to: a. Understand the phenomenon of interculturality and its dynamics and futuredevelopments; b. Determine what skills are necessary for intercultural trainers to be able to transferknowledge (key competences) to teach at informal and non-formal level.A review on the Focus Group aimed at understanding the popularity of the product that you willcreate and define, then, the recommendations to be given to the partnership to continue thework.Some deadlines were established to send material to the WP3 leader. The paper material,collected inside pre-elaborated.
  6. 6. III. REPORTS FROM THE PARTNERS 4The works received by Partners with which we produced this text, can be consulted in web site forfurther deepenings, and are listed and explained here below: P1 - INVESLAN and P2 - EIMD (ES)The two Spanish Partners collaborated to realize a Spanish Desk Research and a study on the FocusGroup lead on 6 adults. The work contains considerations and recommendations. P3 - SQLearn (GR)The Greek partner has agreed with the Leader of WP3 a study entitled Intercultural ABOUTLEARNING & SKILLS IN AN INFORMAL LEARNING ENVIRONMENT COMETENCES - INPUT FOR GAMEDESIGN. To do this he enlisted the help of the British partner. The paper is accompanied by a focusgroup conducted on a sample of 10 adult trainers. P4 - C.N.I.P.A. PUGLIA (IT)Leader of Wp3, they lead a deepened and detailed Desk Research and an study on a FocusGroup of 15 adults from different ethnic groups. The study is complete and containsrecommendations, content and conclusions. P5 - SOCIEDADE PORTUGUESA DE INOVACAO (PT)They realized a deepened Desk Research on the composition of the population of Portugal. P6 - I.N.C.S.M.P.S. (RO)The Rumanian Partner realized a detailed National Desk Research. The work contains remarks andrecommendations. P7 - LEARNit3D (UK)They collaborated with the Greek Partner to realize the study entitled: LEARNING ABOUTINTERCULTURAL SKILLS & COMPETENCES IN AN INFORMAL LEARNING ENVIRONMENT – INPUT FORGAME DESIGN. Desk Research and a study on a Focus Group of 10 adults.
  7. 7. IV. MAIN KNOWLEDGE 54.1 SUMMARY OF DESK RESEARCHEurope today counts more than 13 million migrants so the issue of integration into a unified politicalvision has become a strategic priority for the growth of society, but also for the European economy.The question, then, is not whether Europe should embrace migration, but rather how it shouldmanage the integration. A set of directions is to develop a common standard of citizenship, whichgradually extends responsibilities and rights of EU citizens to all those who reside there legally. It isworth noting that the EU member states already have plans for common citizenship policies andinclusion, for example, the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam, the Tampere Declaration (whichin 1999 recognized the need for a common policy of Union asylum and immigration), the LisbonAgenda, Thessalonica, the Hague, and the Standards Council of Europe on human rights andequality.There remain, however, differences not easy to reconcile between countries, especially as regardsthe fight against illegal migration. Just remember that the European Council in Seville, Spain in 2002(president in charge) proposed a hard line, which provided, among other things, to cut aid tocountries that do not intend to collaborate in the flow, enjoying the consent of Italy, UnitedKingdom, Netherlands and Denmark. But that option was strongly opposed, for humanitarian andpolitical reasons, from France, Sweden and Luxembourg, eventually leading to a compromise thatrewards countries that cooperate to control the flow, but without penalizing the others.The European Union suffers from strong dynamics in both migratory flows coming from inside andoutside. The data reported above, do not bear the overall situation of Europe, but certainly give anidea of how each country must deal with a phenomenon that also does not have a unified andeffective regulation. From what has been learned, it is clear that migration dynamics over the pastdecade has experienced a strong surge: Italy has reached a 10% of migrants, Spain 12%. Thefinding is disturbing connotations if one takes into account the fact that both countries for historicaland cultural past years did not know the migration phenomenon before. Portugal 4.7% of migrantsand Romania who knows the reverse phenomenon with a percentage above 15% of thepopulation has emigrated abroad. The demographic composition of the immigrant population inItaly sees the prevalence of ethnic groups from North Africa and Eastern Europe, in Spain inaddition to these flows migrants are coming from Latin America as well as in Portugal, theRomanians travel to Italy, Spain, Canada and low percentage in the rest of Europe. This study,however, does not take into account the Chinese.
  8. 8. The flows are as sudden as it is inadequate the answer from the EU countries to face thephenomenon with their own welfare policies now outdated. Economic systems persist unwilling toabsorb the massive work power and people are not well informed and reluctant to integration andsocial equality. 6As regards the United Kingdom, its colonial past and its multi-ethnic culture for centuries now,absorbing the phenomenon of migration in a less traumatic.Ethnic groups have lived together for years with history and anthropological structure totallydifferent.The complex problems related to the phenomenon of migration, and more generally, handling ofpeople are highlighting needs to be satisfied as follow:  In social terms, living conditions and access to resources must be provided for the family (houses, use of services for all devices, facilitating ...).  On the structural and belonging, access to citizenship for the children of migrants must be provided, because only then can it be guaranteed full participation, equal rights and duties, identification with the host country.  On the linguistic and cultural level, both devices must be provided to facilitate the learning of the new language - and culture - both moments of recognition, promotion, exchange of language and culture of origin.  In terms of educational inclusion procedures for reception must be made uniform, preventing, for example, cases of "delay", defining devices and resources necessary to deliver effective and targeted responses to specific teaching problems.  in terms of relationship and "interaction among groups", we must act in educational services, in education, in-school gatherings, so that these places become meeting places between childhoods and adolescences, free from stereotypes, closures, mutual distrust.The migration has become a structural element in the European society and intends, therefore towiden over time, until deeply and irreversibly alter the relationship between women and men of theterritory. Everyone has to work and do their part to eliminate the phenomena of exclusion as well asrepresenting high social costs cause repercussions from the human point of view, considerable.
  9. 9. A. SOCIAL KNOWLEDGE 7 ITALYIncoming migration is an almost structural phenomenon in Italian society, so it is intended to lastand increase until it deeply modifies the relationships between men and women in the territory.Its stabilization has consequently led to a steady increase in family reunifications and, therefore, thepresence of so-called "second and even third generation" of young migrants in schools, aphenomenon which see, however, a sharp rise in relation to adopted children or born in mixedcouples.According to Istat latest data on 1st January 2011, 4,570,317 foreigners are living in Italy, 7.5% of theoverall population, an increase of 7.9% (335,000 people) compared to the previous year, slowingdown compared to the increase recorded in 2009 (+343,000) and in general the lowest since 2006.The increase of foreign population that occurred during 2010 is due not only to new arrivals but alsoto a positive natural balance of about 73000 units (resulting from 78000 new births compared to justfive thousand deaths). The acquisition of Italian citizenship is decreasing with nearly 66000foreigners. The phenomenon of naturalization, although steadily increasing in recent years (+11.1%compared to 2009), is still limited in our country. To compare, consider that in France only in 2005and 2006, a total of 303 000 new citizenships were granted.The foreign population has a much lower average age than the Italian one, in 2009 minors were932,675 (22% of total) while foreigners born in Italy (the so-called second generation) were already573,000, that means 13.5 % of the overall number of strangers. In particular, foreigners born in Italy in2010 represented 14% of total number of births, an incidence approximately twice the one of thetotal population of foreign residents.Analysing the areas of origin, it can be seen that in recent years there has been a strong increase inflows from Eastern Europe, which have exceeded those from the countries of North Africa, verystrong up to the nineties. This is particularly due to the rapid increase of the Romanian community,in particular in 2007 that has roughly doubled, from 342,000 to 625,000 people and thusrepresenting the largest foreign community in Italy. This is probably due to the entry of Romania intothe European Union which has encouraged the flows and linguistic affinity. Until 1 st January 2011,the Romanians, with nearly one million residents, are the first foreign community (more than a fifthof foreigners in Italy).Beside them, the main foreign communities in Italy are Albanian, Moroccan, Chinese andUkrainian. Until 1st January 2011, about half of foreign residents come from countries of Eastern
  10. 10. Europe, in particular a quarter of the countries of the region that joined the European Unionbetween 2004 and 2007.The distribution is strongly non-homogeneous in the Italian territory: 35% of foreigners live in theNorth-west, 26.3% in the Northeast, 25.2% in Central Italy and 13.5%. in Southern islands. In 2010, 8however, as early as 2009, the increase of foreign population was larger in the South than in theCentre-North.Such changes require society to equip adequately to address this new challenge by developingnew initiatives and actions so that our citizens get used to co-living in a cross-cultural environmenton one side and guide and support the migrants on the other side in their way to interact with thehosting society. SPAINFew countries in Europe have experienced such a major change in its demographic configurationas Spain in the last two decades. In 1981 the percentage of foreigners in Spain was 0,5%, themajority coming from other European countries. Between 1986 and 1999 Spain started receivingmore people from Africa, Asia, and Eastern Europe. In 2001, Spain stopped being a country ofemigration to be an immigration country. Between 2001 and 2012 the percentage of foreigners inSpain went from 3,3% to 12%, changing significantly the social structure of the Spanish society interms of cultural diversity.Immigration in Spain in the last decade:On a first stage, the main reason for that significant increment of immigration in Spain was theeconomic growth and the need for low-skilled work force that Spain experienced at the beginningof the 20th century. On a second phase, in addition to new arrivals, the numbers increased due tofamily reunification.During the last decade the percentage and origin of foreigners has diversified. In 1998, the numberof foreigners from the European Union constituted 41,3% of total residents born outside Spain. InJanuary 2011, the percentage decreased to 20%. The main foreigner groups in Spain in 2011 wereRumanians (895.970, 15% of foreign population), Moroccans (783.137, 13,4%), British (397.535, 6,8%),Ecuadorians (306.380, 6,2%) and Colombians (244.670, 4,7%).The nationalities that have increased more in 2011 are Pakistan (79.626, increased a 13,5%) andChina (175.813, increased a 5,2%).Since 2010 and due to the economic crisis, the percentage of immigrant population is decreasing.As a result some people are leaving the country (going back to their countries or moving to others)and less people are immigrating into Spain. The main groups leaving are Latin Americans(Argentina, Bolivia, Peru) and from other European countries such as Poland or Italy.
  11. 11. Another interesting phenomenon currently taking place is that Spain is becoming an emigrationcountry again. The economic crisis being the main reason why especially young Spanish workersare emigrating. 9 ROMANIARomanian communities live with various other ethnic communities, cultural traditions, linguistic andreligious specific. Regions with the greatest ethnic diversity in Romania are Transylvania, Banat,Bucovina and Dobrogea. In areas with less ethnic diversity, Oltenia and Moldova, there is theslightest opening to ethnic pluralism and to the political. Coldest attitudes towards Hungarians inRomania occur in areas where they are least present (Oltenia, Valahia, Dobrogea, Moldova) andthe positive perception of them is recorded in Transylvania. However, the cold attitudes ofHungarians in Romania Romanians to show the areas where Romanians are the least present(Harghita, Covasna)According with Romanian Census of October 20, 2011 the number and proportion of each ethnicgroup in Romania is presented in Table 1. Table 1 Ethnicity number % Ethnicity number % Romania 16,869,81 88,6 Turkish 28,226 0,1 ns 6 Hungaria 1,237,746 6,5 Lipoveni 23,864 0,1 ns (Russians) Gypsies 619,007 3,2 Tatars 20,464 0,1 Ukrainians 51,703 0,3 Others 96,040 0,5 Germans 36,884 0,2 Undeclare 59,186 0,3 d Total 19.042.936During the past one hundred years Romania was predominantly a country of emigration, with arather impressive record regarding the number of persons involved, the outcomes and the varietiesof migratory arrangements. Shortly after the 1989 revolution, Romanias population was over 23million inhabitants. But since 1991, it entered a gradual downward trend, currently reaching about21 million inhabitants- officially (according of 2002 Census) or 19 million unofficially (according of2011 Census’s provisional results). This is due to free movement in the States living abroad, but ratherlow birth rate.
  12. 12. Canada has a Romanian community of about 150,000 people (December 2007). Romania isranked fifth in the world among source countries of immigrants to Canada.In May 2009 the Romanian registered at Spanish town halls was over 720,000, of which over 250,000pay social contributions. 10In July 2010, the EU Member States were about 2.5 to 2,700,000 Romanian immigrants. The 2.8million immigrants under observation by the World Bank in 2010, Romania ranks 18 the world interms of immigration.The slow and socially burdensome transition from a centrally planned economy to an effectivelyfunctioning market economy (over the past one and a half decades) has provided anotherimpetus for Romanians to search for employment abroad. Emigration, combined with an ageingpopulation, will likely make Romania turn to labour immigration in the future. Here the country willface considerable challenges, from finding a way of managing – and perhaps reversing – theoutflow of workers to developing policies for managing the reception and integration of largenumbers of immigrants, an area in which it has little experience.Emigration in Romania.About 45,000 foreigners are present in the local labor market, of which about 30,000 workers.The number of immigrants in Romania remains low (10,000 in 2008 to 5 percent more than last year).Total number of work permits issued to foreigners in 2008 was 76,700, up 30 percent more than in2007)1 In May 2009, in Romania there were about 200,000 Kurds. PORTUGALAccording to Estanque, class structure in Portugal has suffered relevant transformations in the lastfour decades, since April 25th 1974 revolution. The transformations can be classified has increasinglycomplex as a result of trade internationalization and geographical mobility between countries andcontinents. New factors of class instability and fragmentation emerged as a result. In a nutshell suchtransformations have been revealed thusly: - Internal divisions between manual labour and non-manual labour and increasing leverage of the latter. - Higher social mobility - Coastal and urban concentration - Lower levels of unionism - Proletarization of the services sector (i.e. call centres) - (Growing) weakness of social movements and collective action.Market and labour internationalization has contributed to highlight structural weaknesses of thePortuguese economy, namely low levels of qualifications and school attainment, high levels of1 OCDE: 2,7 milioane de emigranți români în UE, 12 Iulie 2010, agerpres.ro,
  13. 13. unemployment, prevalence of work barriers to young people, women and senior citizens, andvulnerable productive structures, traditionally underpinned on labour-intensive, low-payingactivities.The cited transformations have also been unable to alter resource distribution that is means of 11production, qualifications, organizational resources and power.In recent years, weak economic growth, expenditure restraint and structural top-down reform haveresulted in the “narrowing” of the middle class. Contrary to what happened in the 80s, wealth hasonce again concentrated in the hands of business men and top executives, reinforcing revenuedisparities and lowering qualified professional/liberal class. In fact, the recent lingering economicand social crisis have accentuated precariousness and helped generate wider cleavages andinequalities in society.Such negative tendencies have still not been transformed in social conflict. The reason for thisbehaviour can firstly be explained in 48 years of a totalitarian regime, which invested heavily increating a mind-set of conformism and resignation towards the exercise of power. Secondly, thefew years after 1974 revolution, where a “storm of social and political struggle exhausted thepopulation, and rapidly turned to sentiments of frustration and apathy” (Estanque, 2008). ModernPortuguese population place great distrust in political institutions, and are disinterested in anypolitical affiliation or collective intervention.Hence, the current social and economic climate has placed considerable strain in the weakerclasses of society, especially young people and minorities.In the following chapters, social composition of these minorities is further investigated.
  14. 14. International migrations and main interpretation modelsTrying to offer a short presentation of the main models used in the attempt to understand the 12migration flows, we start from a faraway period, the beginning of the twentieth century, a periodmoreover that already had many of the structural features of the economic globalization that areconsidered typical of the present era (Hirst and Thompson, 1997).When we wonder who and what creates a change, we focus, following a “macro” perspective,elements- mechanisms working in the social system that means, it is consistent with a view to the“micro” social actors and agents. Even in the scientific study of migration started as early as thenineteenth century, social scientists were divided between those who preferred approaches thatadopted a holistic paradigm (perhaps the majority) and those who adopted an individualistparadigm, while there were also those who have tried to find a sort of mix between the twoparadigms.At the first group belongs the classical view of migration, which considers the individual as homooeconomicus able to rationally calculate the benefits of its location in a different economic andgeographic space (Cifiello S., 1993, p. 156).Moving in the wake of classical scholars such as Marx and Durkheim, this paradigm sees the actoras hyper-socialized and the action as governed by macro-social elements-mechanisms. The mostwidely known analytical tool and applied to a variety of contexts is defined by the dichotomoustype push/pull (in the sense that the choice of migration can be attributed to the dominance ofexpulsive factors in areas of origin or in attractive elements in reception areas) 2. The study ofmigration is driven, in this perspective, by the search of conditions, rules or regulationsdifferentiating the areas of inward migration to the ones of outgoing migration. In an attempt toexplain the dimensions, orientations and trends of migration flows, these researchers usuallyindicate the existing wage imbalances between different geographical areas, differences in theaccess to capital in its various forms (Scidà, 2003); uneven in terms of available technologies;significant differences in both the density and in the pace of population growth, and so on. Forsupporters of the “macro” perspective, one or more of these macro-social factors- mechanismsmay explain the large international migrations in a way that their outcomes, in terms of humanmobility, can be for some aspects foreseen and their developments to some extent controlled.For a long time, therefore, research on international migration flows tried to examine thisphenomenon using economic categories in the framework of a "questioning" concept. Theprevailing reference was to the labour market and the attraction that lead strong economies2The reasons for migrations, therefore, are different and complex and that are both push factors, that can be of economic,political, religious, ethnic, ecological kind and pull factors (Bohening W.R., 1984) due to territories and better living conditions.
  15. 15. against the weak and backward, with a consequent flow of poorer areas to richer ones, wherethere is higher demand for labour (Tognetti Bordogna M., 1989, p. 33).According to this theory "it is always the need to use the capital of the country of incomingmigration, which promotes the exodus, and never the need to migrate” (Ferrarotti F., 1988, p. 101). 13The economic law of demand continues to have its validity even if "there is no longer the extensionof labour demand with the possibility of residual occupations for newcomers, but a significantmodification of the same demand itself that shows an increase in jobs good only for incomingmigrants"(E. Pugliese, 1985).It’s interesting, as stated by Ferrarotti (F., 1988, p. 102) to focus on the mode of creation of the offer,on the creation of giant reservoirs of available labour and forced to the more rapid horizontalmobility and vertical mobility by a whole of factors, including political and cultural that end upbeing decisive.Symmetrical and opposite, however, is the theory that belongs to the second group, assuming asonly cause of the migration process, a deep feeling of moral and material hardship, of theindividual or a large segment of the population (Cifiello S., 1993, p. 156). It is important to overcomethe economic condition, which, in one way or another he speaks, living a commodified system,considering the human and existential aspect. This is because migrants are reduced only to labour,a commodity-employment they are judged only according to the usefulness and functionality tothe labour market so they cannot have human problems, which remain the exclusive property ofthose who can afford them. At the bottom you go back to the old edifying discussion whether ornot these barbarians have a soul (L. Perrone,1995).The individualist paradigm, in the wake of sociologists such as Weber and Simmel, sees the actor ashypo-socialized and the action as highly self-interested. This approach sees individual motivationsand intentions underlying the actions of the actor, not necessarily rational or conscious, which leadin our case to the decision to migrate. Analysts, therefore, focus their investigation on reasons of theactor, as well as on diversity, including areas affected by migration flows, as they can offer in thehosting country increasing degrees of individual freedom with respect to political and/or religiousbelonging, to value system and protection of human rights but also, and perhaps prevalently, withreference to the possibility of guaranteeing the actor: survival, autonomy, a social status, comfort,etc.. In an individualistic perspective, mobility is not only justified by differences in levels of wagesbut also (and perhaps to a greater extent) by a higher share of labour demand.
  16. 16. Phenomena of migrationThe phenomenon of migrations is old but has reached a consistent size with the creation of modernindustrial society. Since the conquest of America in the early twentieth century, in fact, the 14migration flows are directed from Europe to the poor and overpopulated "new worlds" to beexploited, such as North and South America, Australia and Southern Africa. After the Second WorldWar, however, the direction of these flows was reversed. Italy itself becomes from a land ofoutgoing migration, a land of inward migration.In the last two decades our society has been characterized by deep social and cultural changesthat have increased its complexity (A. Perucca, 1998, p. 11-29). The ability to move capitals andgoods in a sudden way, looks like one of the phenomena that characterize, in a significant way,the modern and postmodern society.Emerging phenomena of new multi-cultural co-habitationWhen Italy "realizes" that it is a country of inward migration and not only outgoing migrants, with thewell-known delays and negative effects, the expert Italian outgoing migrants are the ones whostudy the phenomenon of inward migration. We already defined this phenomenon, on otheroccasions, to be "affected with strabismus": to see the present time through the eyes of the past [L.Perrone, 1995].No doubt that the new studies on incoming migration are entitled to a scientific and culturalheritage of respect, derived from extensive studies on migration, but also inherit some defects, suchas the confusion of historical periods and the projection of past methods on the present. Despitethe changed international and national scenarios (from fordism to post-fordism) [L. Perrone, 2005],this structural element is often overlooked and is used for proposals out of time.Either we keep talking about models (assimilationist or integrationist), in a reality that clearly needsto plow new grounds, perhaps through the new practice of "good practices" in search ofsomething feasible, practicable and consolidate. We no longer have monocultural flows, butpolycentric and multicultural flows.3.One indicator of this difficulty is the wrong use of some words. An all-Italian situation which is notfound elsewhere, from the old countries of migration, where these terms were created andstructured in time. Words with a long history, therefore, disregarded in Italy.Terms such as integration or assimilation have a location and a history that cannot be forgotten, ashappens in Italy4. So this is true for words like trans-cultural, multicultural or intercultural, used3 In Italy, according to the most reliable data, we have migrants coming from 402 different countries [Caritas-Roma, 2010].An un common phenomenon that pushes us not to search for models [Perrone L., ibidem].4 The Assimilation (French model) was demonized, while the integration (English model) is proposed as a model in everyinstitutional document.
  17. 17. interchangeably, despite their different meaning. This is not a semantic matter but a philosophicalone highlighting the confusion created in Italy by migration. Associations are very important in thissituation. Nevertheless only recently the migrants have had access to some fields that oncebelonged only to the Italians. A delay due to the type of migration that has affected Italy and the 15non-recognition of qualifications, which allowed the under-acknowledge of migrants in marginaland underpaid jobs.In Italy migrants do not speak, others speak about them and in the best cases they talk aboutthemselves. This lead to have jobs and proposals despite their participation, or we see thatdiscussion about migrants that made the old topic of outsider and insider emerging, and even thisone was discussed more abroad than in Italy [Perrone L., ibidem].Being absent, or (currently) with a limited presence of the major players, we have, in large part,works of outsiders, mostly living room intellectuals, away from the problems of people concernedand very close to public power (academic but mainly political). People that treats migrants likenumbers, write well paid reports, with many tables, copy and paste of methodological notes andmaybe doing the apotheosis of participatory technique. They are unable to grasp social reality,because the participatory cultural scripts are absent from their vivid minds. Actually they write a lotabout migration but they would not be able to distinguish an African from an Indian.Symmetrical to them are the "blacks with a white head", migrants who have understood the gameand are moved by the same categories of having and appearing. at the expense of anyone,migrants or locals.Families and second generations of immigrantsTo define the family has always been a difficult problem. As explained by P. Donati (1995), eachculture has a precise representation of the family so that this term designates a wide range ofprimary social forms that have different relational structures and vary from culture to cultureaccording to different societies and their traditions (Ashen RN, 1974). According to Leclercq (J.,1964), "the family is composed of human beings living in a given country at one time”It is therefore a mistake to think the family institution as isolated from the society, because itcommunicates and interacts with it: there is no society without the family nor the family withoutsociety. Fundamental is the central role that family plays in the migratory strategy of the individualin choosing to migrate and the choice of the one in the family that has to leave or can leave(Scabini E., P. Donati, 1984; W. Dumon, 1993, pp. 27-53).The decision to migrate taken by the individual is the result of a strategy honed in the extendedfamily, according to a selection process that he or she has the "features" to make the long jump orto start a path which can then be followed by family members. Often there is a network ofrelationships in the country of migration, which serves as a place of attraction for the decision and
  18. 18. next-business integration. Migrants go away to assure their family an income or to prepare the thesubsequent arrival of family members. Migration is frequent in the construction of a kinship-basedsociety, which produces a protection and solidarity among members of the same community orbetween individuals of the same area, the same region. It forms a substitute family, social, not 16genealogical, the so-called "ethnic niche", often the only relation for the migrants (Scabini E., P.Donati, 1984).Regardless of the model of family, the family that migrates is still a broken family. A broken family,because on one hand their members are located in different countries, on the other new styles oflife that accompany the migration cause fractures, contrasts with the culture of origin and thepattern of extended family, tradition . The migrating family is a family that is between a family whois afraid of losing their roots, or in an opposite dynamic, in a process of forced acculturation, cuttingits roots in a violent manner with often devastating consequences over time.The migrating family fluctuates, therefore, between "memory", understood as a reminder of its past,and "project", which is a set of expectations for the future, giving rise to that particular conditiondefined by Perotti "dynamic feel" (A. 1994, p. 12-20). The migration requires, therefore, more energyfor the construction and reorganization of the family structures capable of taking into account notonly the family and society of origin, but also the needs of the targeted society while preservingtheir cultural identity, since one of the risks of globalization is the tendency for cultural leveling and,therefore, the cultural uprooting and loss of identity (Favaro G., 1998).The settlement of people in the hosting country follows multiple paths and structures, family re-unions, inter-ethnic and/or mixed marriages with an Italian bride/groom, or couples withoutchildren, “families” living together but not relatives that form a sort of ethnic niche, often only link inmigration. Facing this reality we have to follow a multi-dimensional approach that is not ethno-centric, it’s necessary to approach the culture of foreign families, taking into consideration a seriesof shared visions of the world, meanings and adapting attitudes, coming from the different forms ofcultural organization of the family and the system of values that is below it 5. Scabini and Regalia(E., C., 1993) underline the need to overcome the very frequent stereotype that considers theincoming migrant as a subject without family links, that autonomously manages his/her migrationpath.The topic of migration in a family perspective is a challenge and an ethic and scientific need andthe social sciences cannot avoid to face that. The migrant family is not a very precise object ofstudy, as Bensalah points out: “when we talk about migrant family, we define significant space andtime fields, on one side the one of migration that is the one of separation and departure, on theother side the one of family, that is the one of continuity and links” (N., 1984, p. 238). However, weknow that this is the history of men, “migration” is as old as the world, and because we know wecannot go against the roots of men, today that we have even faster movements and they are5 To deepen this topic cfr. Zincone, 2001.
  19. 19. included in a world system that is more complicated than yesterday, we need to constantly re-elaborate our scientific paths. It’s important to have a “social order” where the identities areelaborated starting from the categories of the different, here and elsewhere, before and after. Themigrant, says Ciola, live a new and “combinatorial” experience where aspects of his/her culture 17are mixed with another, to have a new original and unique individual (A., 1997).Migration plansThe situation of fear, short-sightedness gave less importance to the positive effects of migration(cultural, economic, contributing to the social welfare) and to the migrant as citizen with rights andduties. The presence of migrants represent an opportunity to think again and discuss the limitspresent in the Italian Welfare system, social policy, in particular social and welfare policies. Thinkingabout the system of social services we need not only an enlargement of the access but more thanthis a re-organization of the mechanisms that rule the access, because we cannot talk about anoutright inclusion but a selective inclusion, so we have to proceed with a detailed analysis of theinclusion processes to better identify the possible unclear points, the bottlenecks that are usual inthe interaction migrant-service (Tognetti Bordogna M., 1992, pag. 157). In the inclusion strategieswe need to find the mix that can take into account the cultural elements and structuraldiscriminations, because it’s not enough the simple inclusion in the system of services of peoplecoming from the south of the world, but it’s necessary to check the specific conditions of living(Ibidem, p. 158).An appropriate policy must take into account the needs of involved social people, considered asmen in their recent and past story.Starting from a first knowledge of the needs linked to the dimension of the migrationphenomenon, most of problems are represented by the discomfort and the accommodationexclusion, conditions of isolation and marginalization lived by the woman in migration, integrationof minors in society and schools.Since their arrival, together with primary needs (board, lodging and employment), the need tocommunicate, understand and be understood, to know the direction in many unknown placesand different communication codes, is fundamental. Both in the case that the migrant finds ananswer to these communication needs with the people from the same country already includedin society, both if he/she tries to learn the “rules of the game”, communicative and cultural,observing the local people, he/she immediately understands the need to learn.Adaptations and refusals, fluctuations and assimilations towards the country of residence, areconstant elements at level of psychological and social overcoming of conflicts for the migrant.The individual, young or adult, the single worker or the family units are engaged in a research of
  20. 20. new balances that is not easy, to escape the condition of conflict that characterizes themigration.The learning of a second language, the professional mobility, the scholastic success, the access toinformation, the contact with local people are some of the fields that need psychic and 18intellectual resources for the migrant.So it’s hard the research of distinctive rights: the possibility to lose the linguistic roots, to have placesand moments recognized to express their cultural identity.If we consider the socio-educational needs of migrants it can be useful, for the planning ofinterventions, establish a sequence of training needs that lead them through the different stages ofmigration. We can identify the reception, inclusion, integration and re-entry needs that are allinterlinked in a systematic way6.It’s above all in the studies about children and migration that the topic of identity is recurring,defines as “hanging on, multi-colour, mosaic, vulnerable…”. Identity that concerns the life andpsychological condition of the human being and the fact of feeling “between”: between twocultures, between two languages, between family expectations and society messages (inparticular the school).Children in migration have to combine messages and different requests, sometimes contradictoryones, that come from the family on one side and from the school and the hosting society from theother side. They have here and now to give value and realize the family projects, justifying in thisway the difficulties of the travel and the hardness of exile but at the same time maintaining thereferences and the links as a symbol of fidelity to the origins and continuity of the family history.On the topic of cultivation process of migrants, Sélim Abou (1981) distinguishes among the processof re-interpretation that is of interest especially for the first generation adults and the process ofsynthesis, that is typical of migrants’ children. In the strategy of material cultivation, because it ispartial, the contents and new attitudes are re-interpreted according to the cultural system of originand invested with “old” meanings.In the second case, the process of synthesis happens when the cultivation is formal and modifiesthe structures of mind and feelings. It deals in particular with the second generation people,divided between home and school, target society and group of origin, obliged to internalize thetwo cultural codes and elaborate the conflicts that come from this.To succeed in this difficult path, to be positively included without losing or refuse their differences,children need a “double authorization”: one from the family and the other from the school and theeducational services.The migrant parents must allow their children to be a little different from the expectations andimage they had, the school has to give value to the knowledge and the origin of the foreign6 To deepen this topic Favaro G., 1989.
  21. 21. children, recognize their history, language, “other” references as worth to be known andrecognized.That’s why, two educational partners have to be convinced that the bi-cultural and bi-lingualsituation is a privileged one that has to be supported and valorised. 19Messages, values and daily practices linked to the process of family cultivation, messages, valuesand daily practices linked to the process of cultivation in the educational services and school.So what are the conditions to be promoted to have a real “interaction” involving all the dimensionsof life?On the social level, life conditions and equal access to the resources have to be granted to thefamily (accommodation, use of services for everybody, facilitation mechanisms…).On the structural and origin level, there should be access to the citizenship for the migrants’children because only in this way the full involvement, equal rights and duties, identification withthe hosting country will be granted.On the linguistic and cultural level, there should be not only facilitation tools for learning the newlanguage – and so the culture – but also recognition, valorisation, exchange of language andculture of origin.On the level of scholastic inclusion, the procedures of reception should be homogeneous avoidingfor instance cases of “delay”, defining the tools and resources necessary to offer specific answersand efficient to solve specific didactic problems.On the level of relationship and “interaction among groups”, we have to modify the educationalservices, the school and the moments of extra-school networking, so that such places becomemeeting places between children and teenagers, free from stereotypes, closures and mutualdistrusts.Places of Exchange, mestizo places, “middle earths” that becomes places for everybody 7.The migration phenomenon has become a structural element of Italian society and so it is meantfor lasting and widening in time until it deeply modifies the relationship among men and women inthe territory.Such presences force society to equip itself appropriately to face this new challenge, to betterknow the phenomenon and manage it with appropriate policies, developing actions and initiativesthat lead the citizens towards an intercultural cohabitation.Not understanding that the “movement towards west” – for what it is or represents compared toother historical and political experiences – is a reality that is not a temporary period, would be oneof the biggest mistakes ever. It’s necessary to be equipped with information and evaluation tools,we need “organization”, capacity and will to plan in front of such great sociological events. Interms of cultural dynamic it would be appropriate to plan positive actions in order to make thesociety at ease and go beyond an epidemic racism, contrasting the fear of ethnic and cultural7 Cfr. Favaro G., 1989.
  22. 22. news, making them aware of the dimensions of the migration phenomenon, criticizing any idealisticsolution to the problem, as if it was simple to shape - quoting Vance Packard – a “nation offoreigners”. Shaping from practical social interactions an “open culture” does not mean useuncommon harmonic syncretism with superficiality (Cfr. Mauri L., 1992, p. 11). So, it is known that – 20as Clifford Geertz (1974) proved – symbolic and cultural self-referential systems such as the religiousones 8 aren’t static neither unchangeable.It’s possible to think about a social rooting of intercultural elements, communicatively strong, suchas the result of a slow and difficult process, of positive cohabitation of different systems of culturalreference of social groups that live in the same territory and cross the same social places.The current presence of foreign migrants in our country is relatively restrained compared to thewestern European context, so the situation is still manageable.We have the economic, social and cultural potential not to feed perverse approaches to theproblem, not to create scapegoats or xenophobe violent cultures.At the same time we have the strong need to act with rationality – with method – on the effectsproduced by the inward migration phenomenon. This is the task of policy and all the intellectualsthat want to live their time and contribute in a useful way to that (Bourdieu P., 1971, pp. 11-12).The problems of housing and work, law and order, political involvement, bureaucracy, healthsystem management are old problems never solved for local people too. Now they are worse,transforming the impact of the new guests from the south of the world into an hopeless competitionwith limited resources available, a conflict of interests among peoples that cannot have a winnerand a defeated (Micheli G. A., 1992).Offer writes:a further aspect of the inefficiency (of the welfare state) is that it does not delete the causes ofunexpected accidents and individual needs (such as sick leaves, urban disorders produced by acapitalist market of buildings, obsolescence of qualifications, unemployment and so on) butcompensate (partly) to the consequences of such events (offering health services and assurancesin case of illness, housing benefits, possibility to be trained and re-trained, unemployment benefitsand so on). In general, the most characteristic social intervention of the Welfare State in Italy is “toolate” and so the procedures are more expensive and less efficient than an “exact” interventionwould be (Offe C., 1977).We need to redefine the rules for a social cohabitation of different groups.We need to explicitly say what is in our social system the cornerstone of the habeas corpus, theuntouchable rights of citizenship, and the different laws that are comparable and can be appliedto temporary and stable foreigners, hosts and hosting people (Micheli G. A., 1992, p. 20).We need to foresee what is unforeseeable, underlining what are the reasonable criteria ofcohabitation that can be applied without perverse effects.8 To deepen this topic Bourdieu P., 1971.
  23. 23. We need to find right rules to exploit in the best way the anthropological heritage.We need to plan solutions to make the working and production systems more flexible, enablingmechanisms of economic exchange to use at best the possible synergies with different forms ofwork organizations, without distorting their task and wasting their impulsion. 21We need to invent new tasks for the Welfare State, anchoring the guarantees of social citizenshipnot only to the regulation of the system of services but also to the standardization of time, spaceand interpersonal relationships.It is necessary to identify, if any, practical rules of living together to safeguard the cultural andsymbolic identity of minorities resident and minorities guests without breaking the law of the hostingpopulation, indeed enhancing its founding principles.We should, in fact, be able to manage with anthropological sensitivity the impact between asecular and pluralistic society and fragments of religious societies –extolling what is essential in theprinciples of freedom and autonomy of individual consciences and at the same time recoveringthe roots of inherently religious foundations of the society of welfare.The phenomenon of migration brings to reflect upon the basic concepts of the law system in thesociety of Welfare.The old and the new poverty does not produce so much anxiety. The immigrants put radically intoquestion the universality of the system of citizenship of democratic regimes, highlighting the limits ofthe principle of inclusion and strategies to make it operative. The ones who are not included, areexcluded: the formalization of the exclusion is - metaphorically of course - apartheid. Not to beholders of a privilege, that of full citizenship, which discriminates on grounds of nationality is betterto attribute to reasons other than the failure or delay or partial inclusion (Manconi L., 1990).Inward migration is increasingly becoming a structural fact, a social element that runs through ourdaily lives, living places and common areas, changing the cultural landscape, language, ethniccities and neighborhoods. Migrants since some time are "taking root", they are stopping here,beside us, often without having consciously decided to stay. From project and individual travel,migration becomes familiar, involving different people, and asks within the nucleus, and outside toservices, a new type of questions and needs. This makes no longer procastinable a politicalinteraction that might focus on new social actors and actions between them and services for all.Beyond the many meanings that can be attributed to the term interaction, two aspects seem tobe crucial: the interaction does not happen by chance but is the result of a process that must bedesigned, built, maintained, the interaction is a bilateral process, which originates from the manyopportunities for exchange, debate, confrontation between migrants and local communities. Inthis interaction process, destined to radically change places, city services, the migrant family playsa central role from various points of view.What makes blatantly gasping our social policy for the phenomenon of migration is not – yet - thesize of the phenomenon itself, but the speed with which it is increased in recent years combined
  24. 24. with the inability of policy makers to give general guidelines for social policy inextricably togetherand finally coherent foreign policy choices.We are, in short, at the right time and in the ideal conditions for building a just and supportivepolicy. It is a matter of "doing" and to recover an ethical thrust towards effectiveness. 22 UKDefinition of numerous ethnic groupsDefining ethnic groups is a complex task and the definitions relating to these groups are perceivedby the research as fluid and dynamic. One source of definitions of UK ethnic groups is the UKNational Census which provides a set of categories which aim to describe the ethnic groups of theUK. The 2001 UK Census, for example, is based on a 13 group classification that includes threecategories of ‘White’ (White British, White Irish, White Other), three categories of ‘Black’ (BlackCaribbean, Black African, Black Other) and Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, ‘Other Asian’ andChinese. There are also categories labelled ‘Mixed’ and ‘Other’ (Finney, 2011: 459). Much of theresearch surrounding such categorisations concur that the meanings and possible interpretations ofthese ethnic group categories are variable and contested and these groupings do not effectivelycapture the ethnic diversity of the UK (Finney, 2011; Aspinall 2000; Burton et al. 2010). There may beextensive diversity within these categories and different ethnic groups are constantly beingdeveloped and formed as people move across and within countries and communities,demonstrating that these groupings are fluid and subject to change depending on shifting social,political and cultural perspectives. ‘Indians’ in Britain, for example, are referred to by the 2001Census as one ethnic group but within this group there exists extensive linguistic and culturaldiversity where hundreds of different mother tongues may require the use of English as a LinguaFranca for ‘Indians’ to communicate with each other. As individuals in India the group labelled‘Indian’ in Britain would belong to varying groups in terms of caste and language (Scott andMarshall, 2009).Migratory PhenomenaMigration activity is generated by a wide range of factors which include work, study, family ties ormarriage and graduate migration (or what is colloquially known as ‘the brain drain’). UK HomeOffice data on entry clearance visas and admissions of those who are subject to immigrationcontrol coming to the United Kingdom for study, work and family reasons show various migratoryphenomena developing in the UK over the last six years. For example, student immigration hasseen a general increase since 2005, rising particularly rapidly in 2009 but the latest visa data for 2011
  25. 25. indicate that numbers wishing to study have fallen since a peak in the year ending June 2010.(Great Britain Home Office, 2011). Inequality of opportunity or variations in human capital tend toencourage migration, and this is particularly true in the case of university graduates who may morelikely to apply for study and be less likely to return home after they have graduated if there are 23fewer opportunities for work in their home context. Cost of living, crime rates and highunemployment are also factors which influence migration trends, particularly of graduates(Faggian et al., 2006, p.469).In contrast to this, work-related immigration has fallen overall since 2006 and work visas havecontinued to fall after a slight increase to the year ending March 2011. Family immigration has alsoshown a slow overall decrease since 2006 (Great Britain Home Office, 2011). The number of peoplegranted settlement (i.e. permission to remain indefinitely in the UK) in 2011 fell by a third (-32%) to163,477, compared with 2010 (241,192). There were 177,878 grants of British citizenship in 2011, 9%fewer than in the previous year (195,046), mainly due to 11,399 fewer grants based on marriage (-24%) and 6,606 fewer grants to children related to British citizens (-14%) (ibid). Asylum applicationswere up 11% in 2011 (19,804) compared to 2010 (17,916), with each quarter in 2011 being higherthan the one 12 months earlier. This may be attributed to an increase in applications from nationalsof Pakistan, Libya and Iran. However, asylum applications continue to be significantly lower thanlevels seen in the early 2000s (Great Britain Home Office, 2011). Thus the overall trend demonstratedby these figures is that migration is falling in the UK. There are many social variables that mayinfluence the development of this sort of trend and political change is considered as one of theselater in this report.B. ANTHROPOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGEThe definition of culture determines the condition of intercultural theory: the existence of differentcultures is a fact as well as the presence of different social groups.The concept of culture then changes from culture able to understand the others, not anymoreelite, not enemy of pollòi, not individualistic, in the aristocratic meaning, not grounded on thecontrast between otium and negotium in an economy supported by the work of slaves.The fundamental reason for the crisis of the concept of culture as an exclusive legal term is given, infact, by its instrumental inability to communicate with the other on an equal footing. Theintercultural society requires a different type of culture, a culture that knows how to re-express thecriteria of excellence and the terms of a critical self-evaluation in a mass society and in a worldcharacterized not by the historical diachronic, synchronic process but by the presence of allhumans beings on a planetary scale (Ferrarotti F., 2003).In studies dealing with migration they generically refer to the set of rules, customs, language andreligion specific of a certain population. Further analysis shows that in reality, within what are known
  26. 26. as elements of the culture of a social group, it is possible to distinguish between: regulatory andcontent elements and symbolic-formal elements.Regarding the first one, you can say that culture, as a regulatory content system, provides theindividual with that set of standards and reference models under which outlines mental patterns, 24coordinate operations, representations and ways of interpreting reality . The culture as a symbolicformal system provides, instead, those elements that underlie the processes of individualidentification with respect to group membership (Blasutug G., 1991-1992, pp. 93-95).In light of these considerations it is perhaps possible to better understand the ways in which themigrant is part of the hosting society. Firstly, he/she may remain completely alien to the socialsystem and you have the first of the two extreme solutions which had been previously discussed.The only contacts with this system relate to the inclusion in the productive structure and,consequently, in the cultural patterns referred to that are those acquired in the exodus area, whichare stored on a normative content and symbolic-formal level.Particularly interesting are, however, the intermediate solutions related to the way in which themigrant is part of the hosting country. These are characterized by a partial takeover of the cultureof the target society by foreigners, both in terms of content elements and symbolic aspects. Inthese cases, the inclusion takes place only within the structure of production but also in other socialareas.The migrant learns the basic values of the target society, the contents of this culture and,simultaneously, maintains his/her distinct origin and enhances the symbolic elements.Another situation that is verifiable is the complete assimilation and the total adherence to theculture of the hosting society. In this case the migrant takes possession of the regulatory system andthe symbolic system of the social hosting group, thereby erasing its historical memory.An important role to choose the possible solutions plays both the motivations that led to thedecision to emigrate and the attitude of the destination society. In the latter case it is useful to referto the distinction between formal and symbolic elements and regulatory and content elements.With regard to the first, one can say that when the social group reaches a certain degree ofintegration and cohesion, it develops a symbolic system on which are based processes for theidentification of individuals belonging to the group itself. This process involves deep levels ofpersonality, affecting in particular the emotional and affective sphere of the individual. Whenmigrants, people with different cultural characteristics, are starting to be an integral part of thesocial structure of the hosting country, the fear of contamination of their peculiar traits comes outand, ultimately, the loss of their identity. This fear is especially caused by ethnocentrism of Westernsociety, convinced of the leading edge of the civilizing process, thus creating the potential formisunderstandings and prejudices against the other.With regard to culture as content-regulatory system, however, it is possible to say that the societiesby their nature tend to avoid conflict and, therefore, to maintain the rules of conduct, guarantors
  27. 27. of social order. Precisely for this reason they set in motion mechanisms that are opposed to radicalchanges in the regulatory system (Ibidem, p. 96).As known, the phenomenon of inward migration and transnationalization 9 create new culturallinks, neighborhood and cohabitation that are inedited compared to the past. The presence of 25people that have different cultural models changes our daily habitat irreversibly. We find on theone hand, the idea of the approval of a general standardization and complete of the differentidentities to what actually manages to play a dominant role, perhaps because they are able todirect instruments for the formation of thought, consensus and behaviour, such as schools ormedia, while, on the other side, we find a kind of tribalism, or absolute exaltation of identityconceived as a closed form in itself and impervious to any other relationship with external reality.Between these two extremes, as opposed for intercultural relationship, but the same for absoluteprinciple, different modes of relationship stretch, which can range from an assimilation of differentcultures, multicultural integration, which cannot resolve the differences by placing them in relation,to the multicultural mix that makes the difference in the new identity, ending with the autonomy ofdifferent cultural identities, which does not imply exclusion relations.You have examples of multicultural mix in terms of various relational dynamics, inter-individual(inter-marriages), regional (multi-cultural cities), economic (TNCs), artistic (creative intuition) or evenas a simple search of personal experience (Bauman Z., 1999, p. 27).It seems evident that the phenomenon of migration cannot be addressed in the local condition ofthe single state but must be attempted to be resolved in light of the issues that we face today,particularly since the question can be undertaken if we construct a political form that, through aseries of horizontal connections, is capable of organizing transnational forms able to establish theeffective implementation of fundamental rights, that means building a mode of politicalunification, which allows a real pluralism, according to what seems to hold together oppositepositions that seems to be the peculiar context of a "new politics", which carries at all levels, fromthe inter subjective to those transnational, being together of self and other, identity and otherness.The identity of the individual presupposes the capacity to become object to itself. Having anidentity means asking the question "who am I?" and this is possible when the subject learns to lookat himself through the eyes of others, taking on the role and adopting significant symbols.Only recognizing ourselves through the others, the individual recognizes himself/herself 10.In social sciences, the issue of identity as growth of the subjectivity and continuity of personality, ina process of change is found in Erikson (EH, 1964-1972), which analyzes the concept in these terms:The key problem is that identity (as the name implies), the ego is able to maintain its unity andcontinuity in front of an ever-changing destiny. But fate often leads to changes in internalconditions, results from the layer of actual existence, and changes in its centre, that means in the9 To deepen this topic Beck U., 1999.10 Cfr. Sciolla L., 1983.
  28. 28. historical situation. The identity defines the elastic capacity necessary to maintain constant certainessential models in the processes of change.A sufficiently good identity is then to Erikson characterized by ego strength, its ability to dominatethe environment and the changing nature of the experience. The identity coincides with "the 26subjective sense of a refreshing consistency and continuity" (Erikson EH, 1964-1972, p. 17), with thefeeling of autonomy, with the capacity for initiative, in short with the ability of the ego to developnew and different experiences, while maintaining its centrality and integrity. The strength of identityin emotional-affective and cultural terms is therefore grounded on continuity and ability to acceptchange, to integrate past and present experiences. The identity of every man is defined by its ownhistory and its future, it is the deep emotional response to the emotional and cultural needs thatunderlie it and seek to define themselves.Subsequently, the fields of analysis directed towards the reflection on identity are many. A first basicdistinction can be made between the analysis of identity as predicate of an individual subject andof the analysis of identity as predicate of groups of individuals (L. Sciolla, 1983, p. 13).It is necessary to distinguish among individual identity and collective or group identity11, this lastdefined as the product of the interaction between an autonomous system of symbols and(symbolic and territorial) borders and the expectations, scopes, needs, values of each individual.As Melucci said: The contemporary reflection on identity leads us increasingly not to regard as a"thing", as the monolithic unity of a subject, but as a system of relations and representations. Fromthis point of view, the distinction between individual and collective identity, does not concern theanalytical framework that can be described in the same way, what changes is the system ofrelations which the main person refers to and respect which is its recognition (Melucci A., 1982, p.68). ITALYThe phenomenon of migration in Italy has differences compared to the previous migrationphenomenon in Northern Europe: greater variety of origins of migrants, more various socialcomposition that means more women, more qualified workers, more students, more migrants with aurban background. These last ones are the ones that more than others, not considering the onesarriving with the so called “carrette del mare” (old and unsafe boats used to carry illegal migrants),can afford to migrate both economically and in terms of “idea” of migration. Besides they havealready tested social and cultural changes in their society of origin, under the sign of modernizationor westernization, this meant crisis of traditions, for instance as concerns the relationship betweengenders and family structures and processes of socialization that are “in advance”, and reactions11 Recognizing themselves in a collective identity, often imaginary, the individual subject thinks to guarantee the personalidentity, to protect himself and protect his fellow man by attacks and persecution, real or feared, from rival groups orlabeled as such and, therefore, designed as embodying the absolute otherness.
  29. 29. and claims of menaced identities. In practice, thanks to the diffusion of media, the migrant evenbefore leaving is introduced in the life and values of the welcoming society: globalization madepossible to apply this concept to international migrations.The educational project of our society was based on ideals of equality with the purpose to offer to 27all citizens of our country the same tools of knowledge. Equality was born as desire of the individualto be considered, with his/her diversity equal to the others. Equality, paradoxally, must grantdiversity and protect the unique character of every experience. Giving value to the difference,despite all are convinced of that in theory, it’s a very difficult topic in everyday life.The anthropological researches, the present text included, show that most of main values arecommon to different cultures so, considering this point, we have more consonances than conflicts.As concerns the conflict part, that of course exists, it’s fundamental to use methods that are reallycharacteristic of democratic debate and discussion, involving schools, families, associations, mediaand training centres. Interculture is an interdisciplinary field of discussion, involving the whole field ofhuman sciences, proposing a general reading from new observation points, it is therefore asubstantial change in the method and processes of socialization and training.The cultural dynamic is interesting and very fast and complex in recent decades, the phenomenaof diffusion and contact are among those responsible of total or sector upheavals that the traditionof a given culture may face. The tradition as the set of elements forming a specific culture that istransmitted from one generation to another, is not without more or less unaware changes (the so-called "cultural drift"), which is why the tradition is never perfectly equal to itself.To the process of tradition corresponds, for the receiver, the process of in-culturation for whichevery individual assimilates, in a continuum from birth to death, but more intensively in childhoodand adolescence, direct and indirect teachings by the society and culture where he/she isimmersed.Thus, a process begins by which it tends to become, for the acquired line of thought, feeling andknowledge, the part in some way aware of that particular society.The acculturation is the process that leads to the assumption, in whole or in part, of the culturalhabits of another group. Nothing new can penetrate and then settle in the connective structure ofa different culture if the bearers of this do not allow it. The agreement goes through an examinationto which the new person is submitted by those groups, that are the selectors, whose sphere ofinterest he/she falls or through the knowledge he/she has.If the selected element is positive, a process of adaptation begins that has importantconsequences both on his/her constitution, and on other factors which apparently seem different.Any entry does not mean a simple element added to the group that makes a certain culture, but itmeans substitutions, modifications, and a series of reflections even in areas far removed from that inwhich the integrated element is placed.
  30. 30. Of course, when you multiply the channels of contact and speed of entry of outside elements as inreal life today increases, it is difficult to trace the mechanisms of integration.Syncretism is then an aspect of the process of positive selection and thus integration in which theforeign element is accepted for its formal analogy with an element forming part of its tradition and 28has thus misled on its meaning, with the result that synthesis is a new thing compared to what theitem was and meant in both of tradition. SPAINAs a result of the immigration phenomenon Spain has experienced in the last decades, the Spanishsociety has become more diverse culturally and ethnically. The fact that 12% of Spanish populationhas diverse origins means that society is more complex, which offers great social, cultural,economic potential as well as some challenges. An advantage that Spain has in comparison toother European countries is that it can learn from good practices as well as mistakes undertaken byother European countries with more experience managing diversity. Regarding language diversity,Spanish is the official language. Besides Spanish, six out of the seventeen autonomous communitieshave other official languages: Catalan, Basque, Galician, and Aranese. However, other mainlanguages spoken in Spain are Arabic, Romanian, Wu (spoken by the majority of the Chinesecommunity in Spain), English, Tamazight, Quechua, and Portuguese.According to the Spanish constitution, Spain is a non-confessional state that guarantees freedom ofreligion and worship. However, the majority of the Spanish population identify themselves asCatholic (73%), although only 14% of them practice it. Other religions practiced in Spain areProtestantism (2,5%), Islam (2,3%), Buddhism (1%), Judaism (0,1%). Around 17% of the populationidentify themselves as non-religious12.Related to religious beliefs and practices, Amnesty International (AI) warns about the increasingIslamophobia and discriminations against Muslim citizens in Spain and Europe in general13.According to the AI’s report, requests to build mosques are being refused and the reasons given forthat are incompatibility with Spanish traditions and culture, which goes against freedom of faithand worship recognized by the Spanish Constitution. The report also highlights cases ofdiscrimination against Muslims in employment and education, especially of individuals wearingforms of dress or symbols associated with Islam. There is a rise of opinion in Spain that Islam andMuslims are not a problem as long as they are not too visible. It’s important to emphasize the greatdiversity and heterogeneity of the Muslim population in Spain, as well as of the immigrantpopulation in general.12 Data extracted from the Observatory of Religious Pluralism, http://www.observatorioreligion.es13Amnesty International (2012). Choice and prejudice: discrimination against Muslims in Europe,http://amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/002/2012/en/d9765dfe-058c-4edf-a15d-5cc31da93c06/eur010022012en.pdf
  31. 31. Integration policies in Spain vary from region to region. In general immigration policies tend to bedirected towards assimilation of foreign population, more than to promoting social interaction andincorporation of newcomers with equal rights, duties, and opportunities. At the local level, there aresome exceptions such as the city of Barcelona. The city council of Barcelona is developing since 292010 an intercultural program for the city, with the aim of promoting a positive interaction betweenthe citizens of Barcelona: newcomers and natives. This local strategy is based on the idea thatdiversity is a source of dynamism, innovation and growth14. ROMANIARomanias official language is Romanian which belongs to a group of Eastern Romance languagesand is related to Italian, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Catalan and, further, with most Europeanlanguages. Romanian is the language with the largest number of native speakers representing 91%of total population, followed by the languages of the two main ethnic minorities, Hungarians andRoma. Thus, Hungarian is spoken by a rate of 6.7% and the Gypsy (Roma) of 1.1% of the totalpopulation. By the 90s, in Romania there was a large community of speakers German, representedmostly by Saxons. Although most members of this community emigrated to Germany, haveremained present in a significant number of 45,000 native speakers of German in Romania. Inlocalities where a particular ethnic minority is more than 20% of the population, that minoritylanguage can be used in public administration and the judiciary. English and French are the mainforeign languages taught schools in Romania. English is spoken by a total of 5 million FrenchRomanian while about 4.5 million, and the German, Italian and Spanish 1-2 million each. In the past,French was the language known in Romania, but recently, English tends to gain ground. Typically,aficionados of English are particularly young. However, Romania is a full member of theFrancophone and in 2006 hosted a major summit in Bucharest of the organization. The Germanlanguage was taught mainly in Transylvania, due to traditions that have survived in this regionduring the Austro-Hungarian rule.Religious life in Romania is governed by the principle of freedom of religious belief, a principleenshrined in Article 29 of the Constitution, with freedom of thought and opinions. [24] Although notexplicitly define the secular state, Romania has no national religion, respecting secular principle:public authorities are obliged to neutrality of associations and churches.Romanian Orthodox Church is the main religious institution in Romania. It is an autocephalouschurch that is in communion with other churches belonging to the Orthodox Church. Most of theRomanian population, 86.7% respectively, was declared as the Orthodox Christian religion,according to 2002 census. Also, major religious communities belonging to other branches ofChristianity than orthodoxy, are represented by: Roman Catholicism (4.7%), Protestantism (3.7%),14 Barcelona Intercultural Plan, Barcelona City Council: http://www.interculturalitat.cat/
  32. 32. Pentecostalism (1.5%) and Greek-Catholicism (0.9%). The Christian population in Romania is 99.3%of the total population. In Dobrogea there is an Islamic minority composed mostly of Turks andTatars. [29] Also, the census of 2002, in Romania there were 6179 people of faith, 23,105 of 11,734atheists and people who have not said religion. 30By the Union of 1918, most of the population of Transylvania was made up of believers of theRomanian Church United with Rome, [30] following the passage of much of the Romanians, bythen Orthodox, the Church of Rome, at the turn of seventeenth century. Catholicism andProtestantism are present mainly in Transilvania and Crisana. For example, in Arad and Bihor highestdensity of faithful Baptist denomination in Romania, they meet in April % (18,407) 3.7% (22,294) ofthe total population of those counties. Also, in Romania there are other religions, such as old-styleOrthodox, Armenian and other similar cult. PORTUGALAccording to the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA, 2012), Portugal has a homogenousMediterranean stock, with citizens of black African descent, Brazilians and East Europeanscomprising the main immigrant communities, each containing no more than 100.000 inhabitants.In effect Portuguese multiculturality manifested itself solely on the last quarter of the last century.The return of Portuguese former colonists from Africa and Africans themselves, determined both bydecolonization and a new and growing need for workforce, was a result of a sudden increase inquality of life in Portugal. A massive inclusion of numerous Africans, but also Brazilians, with distinctways of life made evident lifestyles that were never seen before. Up to this point, Portugal was amonochromatic country, where despite the presence of some foreigners, only the cheer scale ofmigration was now able to expose the idiosyncrasies of incoming population and a need to payattention to their specific necessities (Lages & Matos, 2008).In 1990, new forms of migration followed as a high number of individuals from Eastern Europe andBrazil, but also from other parts of the world besides Africa came to Portugal.In 35 years since 1975, foreign migration has not ceased to increase15. Considering foreign-born, itsabsolute number increased from near 108 000 individuals in 1990 to 437 000 in 2006. Its overallweight was in 2006 about 4,1% of total population, a staggering increase from 1,1% in 1991 (Peixoto,2008).The composition of this migrant population is diversified. In 2006, considering a Portuguesepopulation of 10 599 095 hab. major contingents originated from former African colonies (namedPALOP for Portuguese African Speaking Countries) comprising 32,9% of the total, Eastern Europeancountries 19,5%, and South Americans (esp. Brazil) 18,5%1615 This analysis was made in 2008. The recent economic crisis will probably overturn this trend.16 Numbers taken from Immigration Observatory.
  33. 33. On average, the immigrant population is young (under 40 years old) and male (54,8%). In fact, thepercentage of senior citizens is extremely low (4,7%) by comparison to general population (17,3%).However, this varies greatly among immigrant groups. Eastern European migration is generally men-based. And Brazilian migration is mostly comprised of women (53%). There are also a number of 31English and Spanish migrants, who have an above than average number of older citizens.Table 2. Total population and foreign born population with residence permit, by nationality, gender and age, 2006. Total H M 0-14 15-39 40-64 65+ G % % % % % % Total Population 10.599.095 48,4 51,6 15,5 34,9 32,4 17,3 Foreign 332.137 54,8 45,2 16,0 54,3 25,0 4,7 Population EU 25 79.951 52,5 44,9 13,9 45,5 33,4 7,2 Eastern Europe 44.950 59,8 40,2 15,0 53,3 31,1 0,6 Former African Colonies 121.423 56,6 43,4 18,3 58,1 20,5 3,1 (PALOP) Brazil 42.319 47,0 53,0 13,0 67,7 17,3 2,0 China 8081 56,3 43,7 21,7 59,0 17,7 1,6 Source: National Statistics Institute, 2007.Immigration growth has had a clear impact in Portuguese population composition. This is especiallyapparent in the number of children born in Portugal to a foreign mother or father. In 1995 thisnumber was merely 2,4%. In 2006, 9,1% of children born had a foreign mother. This translates to10.000 of foreign origin out of a total of 100.000 births (Peixoto, 2008). Moreover these births mainlyhave a PALOP (former African colonies) origin.Families with at least one foreign member are also an indication of the extent of multiculturality inPortugal. The number of marriages between partners of different nationalities has seen a 10%increase. This is especially true for Brazilian women, who have a higher than average number ofmixed marriages.Considering most frequent immigrant groups (Brazilian, Chinese East Europeans and PALOP) profiledifferentiation generally occurs in relation to educational qualifications and professional status(Miranda, 2009). Up to 2006, most African immigrants had low qualifications and worked on low-skilled activities. Asian population had a propensity to hold jobs in the commerce sector, especiallythe Chinese. Brazilians were mostly white-collar workers until 1990. However this year marked a newwave of Brazilian workers who occupied lower paying jobs in hotels, restaurants and commerce.
  34. 34. Eastern Europeans had superior qualifications comparative to the average immigrant but alsooccupied low-skilled and low-paying jobs.On the next pages the characterization of the most important social/ethnic groups is furtherdeveloped. 32Brazilian Community and IdentityBrazilians chose Portugal for the motherland reference, historical bonds, common language, acertain perceived familiarity to Portuguese culture and more importantly the fact that an entry visais not required.As a social group there has been a change in immigrant profile. The earlier wave was essentiallymade up of qualified people, predominantly dentists, computer technicians and publicists(Miranda, 2009). The new wave of Brazilians primarily found jobs in construction work, restaurantsand commerce and cleaning chores.Since the colonization process, Brazil and Portugal relationship has been highly complex, and assuch, so have the processes of reciprocal image construction. Both countries are deeplyconnected, but tensions and differences exist. This complexity of common history has affectedrepresentation of the other country as well of themselves (Malheiros, 2007). Both countries areviewed in a friendly and unfriendly light at the same time.In effect, Brazilian immigrants are a clearly distinct group as opposed to other groups, showingclose relations to the Portuguese culture. Even though there are clear distinctions between them,some parallels are expressed through social representations.The way immigrant communities raise their children is not very different from the Portuguese way.However the Brazilian community does arise as the one with more similarities with the Portuguese.First of all, the way they educate children is “little or no different” (Malheiros, 2007, p. 164). As far ashabits and traditions are concerned, Brazilians appear the closest to the native society, especially ifone considers that the majority do not find any difference whatsoever between Brazilian andPortuguese customs. Regarding cultural habits and social values, Brazilians disagree that it isimportant to dress and behave like the Portuguese and that culture valorisation is important toimmigrant integration (Malheiros, 2007, p. 163). This may communicate the strength of Brazilianculture and influence in Portugal, but also the inexistence of compulsion to subordination to thedominant culture.In spite these similarities there are prevailing prejudices and stereotyping, that continue to exist andchallenge intercultural contact.The following table summarizes main assumptions of Brazilians made by the Portuguese. The sourceis still Malheiros. Table 3. Portuguese stereotyping regarding Brazilians (Machado I. J., 2007) (Silva & Schiltz, 2007) Yes No
  35. 35. Joyful and good mood 74,7 25,3 Nice and easy going 63,2 36,8 Well-mannered 47,2 52,8 Good professionals 31,3 68,7 33 Competent 30,0 70,0 Serious and hard-working 25,7 74,3 Violence prone 23,7 76,3 Have contributed to drug 33,8 66,2 trafficking Have contributed to 69,6 30,4 prostitution Have contributed to 22,9 77,1 organized crime Source: Lages, M (2006) in Malheiros, 2006.Some authors suggest some “beneficial” stereotyping has been favoured by Brazilians as amechanism of survival and distinction, especially in labour markets (Machado I. J., 2007, p. 173).Such is the case of waiters: the perceived joy, friendliness and affability of Brazilians grant thiscommunity an advantage in the eyes of employers, as they believe those characteristics to be trueto every member. Machado also refers a propensity of this group to live “exotic” lives in the eyes ofthe Portuguese, making the stereotype realize itself. This is especially true in the workplace. Brazilianswork as cultural animators, musicians, dancers and public relations jobs in general – the so called“joy market” (Machado I. J., 2007, p. 173). It is therefore possible to find examples of “Brazilianness”(Brasilidade), which is a collection of stereotyped images: samba, football, sexuality andmiscegenation that ends up governing the conduct of the people involved.So Brazilians are more aware and sensitive about their body, are extroverts, less constrained andmore creative. “The body is an object of cultural materialization, through gestures, dancing,expression of emotions and sexualities” (Machado I. J., 2007, p. 177). And so have a “natural”propensity towards football and sex related occupations, but also activities that involve scam,deceit and untruthful behaviour. Portuguese are “sad”, Brazilians are “joyful”.Women are particularly affected by stereotyping. There is a sort of national imagery that associateswomen to “exuberant”, “sensual”, “easy”. Obviously, these features have negative effects: aspecial quality to break up marriages, a prevalence of sexual harassment, and especially,connections to the leisure and sex industries, particularly evident in Portuguese media’samplification of some prostitution and sexual exploitation cases involving Brazilian women.

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