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Indian Democracy And It Is Revolutionary Maoists
 

Indian Democracy And It Is Revolutionary Maoists

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    Indian Democracy And It Is Revolutionary Maoists Indian Democracy And It Is Revolutionary Maoists Document Transcript

    • Indian Democracy And It Is Revolutionary MaoistsI."a peal of springtime thunder has crashed over the land of India". This is how the particular July 5,1967 editorial of Communist Party of the far east (CPC) mouthpiece Peoples Daily had explained thepeasant surge upward in a tiny Bengal village - Naxalbari. Peoples Daily was endorsing theoccurrence where share croppers and landless workers rose in revolt with land towards the tillerslogan against the local landlords. The particular editorial also continued to predict that "...a fantasticstorm of revolutionary armed struggle will eventually sweep across the duration and breadth of India".Named following its birthplace, the particular Naxalbari movement shortly evolved into an armeduprising inside Bengal and distributed like wildfire in many Indian states, such as Andhra Pradesh,Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and also Kerala. The movements reached its peakbetween May 1969 and June 1971 after the Communist celebration of India (Marxist-Leninist) wasfounded upon April 22, 1969.But the raining days didnt last for long. From 1975 , the movement started losing its impetus.Between 1973 and also 1975, the central and the state government authorities , both under thecongress Party rule, mutually crushed the movements by ruthless army and police procedures. Mostof the prominent Naxal leaders were grabbed and jailed or even dead in police encounter includingthe principle ideologue Charu Majumdar, who had died inside police custody inside July 1972.Following the first non-Congress Janata government came to strength in 1977, the particular jailedNaxalites were released along with other politics prisoners imprisoned beneath Indira Gandhisemergency. By then, many of them were deeply frustrated over the failure of their movements andturned impassive about active significant politics. After 1977, the Naxalites were fragmented intonumerous small groups beneath different leaders, businesses and ideological jobs and wereinconsistent with each other over ideological-tactical debates with components of personal egotismbut tend to not generate virtually any significant impact inside the socio-political milieu of India.Evading coming from direct political linkage, many of the former Naxals started putting up non-governmental organizations to stay established with social, financial , cultural, environmental, lawful ,human rights and also gender related concerns. The present day Indian Maoists trace their lineageback to this iconic ultra left-wing rebellion.II.The Naxalite movement inflamed once more after the resurgence of two potent Naxalite groups in theeighties. In Andhra Pradesh, the pro-Charu Majumdar Peoples War Group (PWG) was placed in1982 under the management of Kondapally Seetaramaiah. The other group was the KanaiChatterjee, Amulya Sen and also Chandrasekhar Das directed anti-Charu Majumdar MaoistCommunist Centre (MCC). After been updated in the mid-1980s, MCC had extended its considerableinfluence inside parts of central Bihar. Confined within their respective territory, the PWG and MCChad dominated the insurgency scene for some time and also were also frequently engaged in chaoticfights against each other over territorial conflicts resulting in the death of hundreds of cadres and also
    • sympathizers of either side. But by 92 , counter-insurgency operations through the government inAndhra Pradesh have largely tamed the activities of the PWG. The attire was banned and it is erosioncontinued any time large numbers of PWG cadres were either caught or has surrendered before thesecurity makes.In Bihar, physical violence related with caste prejudices and regular clashes with the upper castesprivate armies just like the Ranvir Sena started showing signs of desperation among the MCC cadres.These worrying ground realities forced the two once-rival groups to come together on sept 21, 2004to form the Communist celebration of India (Maoist) to act as "a consolidated political vanguard of theIndian Proletariat". After great argument and controversy, the word Maoism was adoptedmaintaining Mao Zedongs considered as the third and higher stage in the qualitative development ofMarxism. Following the unification, the cadre strength and gun power of the connections increasedsubstantially and the group became the most considerable Naxalite creation in the country to safe itsinfluence and also control over a large geographical spread - the Red Corridor.From Andhra Pradeshs Telangana region towards the Tarai region of Nepal, the Red Corridorstretches about 92,000 sq. Km linking areas of Karnataka, Tamilnadu and also Maharashtra, theBastar region of Chhattisgarh, Western Orissa, Jharkhand, Central and north Bihar, the far-easternregion of Uttar Pradesh and the Bihar-Jharkhand border areas of Bengal. This vast stretch out coversconcentrated tribe pockets and comprises some of the poorest, underdeveloped and oppressed partsof the country. While the region is rich together with mineral resources like coal and iron ore deposits,normal gases and forests , the Indian condition has badly didnt deliver minimum social-economicamenities and to considerately attend the largely unseen suffering of the local people, particularly thetribals. This is the key reasons why the Maoist movements has fairly succeeded to penetrate in thisregion. Displacement due to large scale projects, inability to acquire the benefits from normalresources, failure of law and order and regular exploitation by local landowners, traders, police andalso corrupt government officials has added to arranged the ideal condition for your Maoists to makeuse of the people.In distant and rural places that socio-economic deprivation and also exploitation are common, theparticular Maoist approach to tackle long existing issues through the barrel of the gun deeply affectsthe people to affect a sympathetic note among them. It is therefore relatively simple to stir in theanger and resentment of the underprivileged, specially the women and youth to become listed on theguerrilla army and fight the particular class repression, class exploitation and class rule of the indiannative State. In their own approach , the Maoists have dealt with a primary grievance of the rural poor- the absence of land privileges. By forcefully getting land from the oppressive landlords at gunpointand redistributing these phones the landless peasants has significantly aided the growth of theirsupport base among the weak rural peasantry.III.After the substantial counter-insurgency operations inside Andhra Pradesh, the particular Maoists hadexperienced considerable losses and have gradually shifted their own focus to Dandakaranya (a35,600 sq. Miles distributed over the states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, and Andhra
    • Pradesh), Bihar and also Jharkhand. However, inside the Bastar and Dantewada districts ofChhattisgarh, the Maoists were harshly confronted by an original form of resistance from your localtribals - the Salwa Judum. Steered by Mahendra Karma, a local tribe leader belonging to thecongress party, the movements came up around 2005 as "a spontaneous reaction through the tribalsto defend themselves against the reign of terror unleashed through the Naxalites". (National humanRights Commission of India report to the particular Supreme Court of indian ) The Salwa Judumrecruited its associates from the villages, built-up local vigilante groups and was based on theChhattisgarh federal government as a counter insurgency force. Its associates , mostly tribal youthswere recruited since Special Police Officers (SPOs) by the Chhattisgarh condition Police and beentrained in using arms.The secretive and against the law activities of the Maoists have kept their own political outlook andalso motives mostly faraway from the larger indian native population living exterior their sphere ofinfluence. Though there are instances which illustrate that the Maoists are attempting to spread theirimpact outside their traditional stronghold, in reality, their own influences are still targeted in thepoorest areas inhabited mostly through the tribal population. For apparent reasons , the invisibleMaoist leaders have held their focus confined on the relatively hard to get at rural belts. The reasonsare not only tactical as mentioned in their party paperwork.It is also due to the fact that for conducting their acts of individual violence and also terror theseplaces are good as secure shelters from the counter-insurgence forces. Except among the habitualwoolgathering intellectuals, so called human-right groups and sections of the particular middle-classstudent population in the cities, the particular Maoists have minimum influence among the city pettybourgeoisie and the industrial working class. After the unceasing go up of Dalit nation-wide politicsand the ominous development of Hindutva-communal forces, chances for the Maoists to produce agreater impact on the course of Indian politics sphere has become limited and the prospect ofexpanding into far-fletched zones is gradually shrinking.Killing a handful of class enemies, contrasting with the mining and also steel companies, attackingpolice posts and also jails, damaging important infrastructures like highways , bridges, and railroads,blasting landmines in order to wipe out the military of the counter-revolutionary indian native state orcreating parallel governments of Janathana Sarkar inside the liberated zones of remote tribal walletsto encircle metropolitan areas while being separated from the majority of the folks are the fantasticMaoist tactics to establish the particular Peoples Democratic condition. In the extremely complicatedcomposition of a multi-national, multi-religious, and caste-divided Indian society, the particular Maoistproposition in order to shape the trend by seizure of political power by means of protracted PeoplesWar sounds thrilling and also romantic but is far away the existing reality of contemporary indian.Misinterpreting Maos annihilation theory and adopting the peoples conflict theory of Lin Biao whichthe chinese Communist Party provides discredited long ago, the particular Maoists turn into a realnuisance when they begin forcing their incorrect doctrinarism on the masses to bear the brunt of theirrevolutionary actions. Democratic struggle and also mass-political programs have no place in theircredo. Instead, they are obsessed with armed activities and also military programs that include
    • sabotage and annihilation of enemies by means of individual assassination. Maoist leaders also havea common tendency to justify their own actions of individual terror by parroting quotations of Mao likePolitical strength grows out of the gun barrel of a gun out of context.Most of the victims of their what are known as revolutionary tactics of crushing the heart of theenemys state machinery is always the poor and the ordinary. Their annihilation theory has also beenprolonged toward rival Naxalite groups and associates or supporters of mainstream Left events. Tofund their revolutionary operations, the Maoists extract levy from your landlords, the town rich andfederal government contractors, get include in racketeering of forest resources, force farmers to growpoppy crops to reap opium that brings lucrative price as well as helps the class enemy bourgeoisevents to win elections in exchange for a substantial amount of money.A classic instance of this strange ultra-left adventurism is evident from your role they played in the socalled liberated zone of Nandigram. Here, the attire took the effort on behalf of the TrinamoolCongress to build-up an armed resistance against the conspiracies and also treacherous policies ofthe Left Front federal government of Bengal. Since claimed by Koteswar Rao, CPI (Maoist) politburomember responsible for Bengal, Jharkhand and also Orissa, the Maoists were armed through theTrinamool to spearhead the movement. (Trinamool armed us in order to fight in Nandigram: TheTimes of India, Apr 27, 09 ) According to the CPI (Maoist) General Secretary Ganapathy, Maoistcadres were in the forefront in order to "lead the movements in the correct direction " and stall theparticular alleged land grab of the state government which was acting at the behest of thecomprador Salim Group.Eleven weeks of their stupendous work has immensely aided the Trinamool congress to seize politicsgrip in the area. Immediately after their victory inside the Panchayat polls, the particular TrinamoolCongress provides completely disregarded all of them and pushed all of them out from Nandigram.After that , no news of any Maoist exercise has been reported after that. Since the revolution insideNandigram is over, the particular Maoists have hence shifted their concentrate on Lalgarh in westernMidnapore leaving behind Nandigram in the safe palms of Trinamool!On November 2, 08 a landmine was detonated on the convoy route of key Minister BuddhadevBhattacharjee and Union metallic Minister Ram Vilas Paswan who were going back from Salbonifollowing the foundation stone wedding ceremony of Jindal metallic plant. The landmine wire wasfound to become originating from Lalgarh. As a result , the Police entered the particular adjacentvillages and also picked up some neighborhood tribals as suspects. A protest movements sparked offinside Lalgarh over accusations of police high handedness during the raids and almost immediately ,the Pulishi Santrash Birodhi Janashadharaner Committee (Peoples Committee towards PoliceAtrocities) was floated. Led by way of a 45 year old neighborhood tribal leader Chhatradhar Mahatowith obvious Maoist links, Lalgarh is brewing for any remarkably similar Nandigram style movement.To recreate another liberated zone, the local tribals are mobilized together with arms; roads areusually dug and clogged at several places by felled trees in order to resist the oppressive andautocratic condition incursion. Maoist sympathizer organizations like the Association for theProtection of Democratic Rights (APDR) and Lalgarh Andolon Sanhati Mancha (Solidarity Forum for
    • Lalgarh Movement) are encouraging this unique form of democratic politics from other backyard atKolkata. While media statement (The Times of India , 22 April 09 ) has suggested whichsophisticated and indigenous firearms have been sneaked inside Lalgarh, neighborhood tribals areseen brandishing traditional weapons before television cameras to set up the impression of yourgenuine tribal revolt.Bengal is a difficult terrain for the Maoist to bloom. If the central and other condition governmentsbelieve that the particular Maoist problem is largely a law and also order issue, the particular LeftFront federal government has carefully comprehended the socio-economic facet of the problem andtried to tackle it by means of ideological and politics means. In other states, the Maoists havecapitalized from your existing grievance among the rural poor with regards to land rights. However inBengal, land change and redistribution has been a remarkable success. This kind of achievement hasmainly isolated the Maoists from the larger section of the rural inhabitants. In other states where 4percent of families owned 58 per cent of lands , in Bengal forty per cent of the family members own80 percent of the land. NOt really been able to win over the people, the vengeful Maoists have hencetargeted the CPI (M) workers. The particular recent Maoist incursions are mostly visible in a fewregions of Purulia, Bankura and Midnapore zones where lack of improvement remains to be aappropriate aspect even after the particular successful implementation of land reforms. Bengal stillhas poor, landless and marginalized those who exist without any usage of agriculture and dependson the forests for his or her livelihood. The Maoists are been able to go into and influence thesesections through the distance created by inadequate improvement and lack of basic amenities.IV.Six days before the polling for 2009 Lok Sabha elections started out , the Maoists had attackedNALCOs bauxite mines in Orissa and killed at least 8 Central industrial Security Force (CISF) jawansand hurting scores of others. Upon 16 April, through the first phase of the month long electionschedule, at least 17 people were killed by them in a string of attacks across the Red Corridor. Toimpose their poll boycott strategy and interrupt the election methods through violence, providedMaoist peoples militia attacked on polling booths and automobiles carrying the election officials. Fiveassociates of a polling group were killed by way of a landmine blast inside Rajnandgaon district ofChhattisgarh. A bus carrying Border safety Force (BSF) employees for election obligation was blownaway from by another landmine explosion in Jharkhands Latehar district; bullets were sprayed at thebus killing 7 BSF personnel, the particular bus driver and his awesome assistant. In Bihars Gayadistrict, the particular Maoists open fired at a polling train station in Bankebazaar killing a policemanplus a Home Guard on duty and looted the particular electronic voting machines (EVM) and 4 rifles.Though referred to as a spectacular achievement by sections of the particular media, actually, theparticular Maoists were prosperous to attack just seventy one of the 76,000 vulnerable polling booths.In the second and also third phase of the elections, the power of Maoist attacks provides droppedsubstantially.When the All indian Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) was formedthrough the Naxalites in may 1968, one of the first resolutions passed by the entire body was not to
    • participate in elections. While the CPI (Maoist) is still having this legacy, Naxalite factions like the CPI(M-L) Liberation provides "corrected the mistake of completely rejecting parliamentary politics" in the80s. Kanu Sanyal, among the founding leaders of the Naxalite movement provides "acceptedparliamentary practice as one form of revolutionary activity". Even their own counterpart in Nepal, theCPN (Maoist) which had once pledged to fight mutually with them have joined the mainstream politicssystem and taken part in elections.Cocksure about their creative application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the CPI (Maoist) refuses toidentify any necessity of participating in a bourgeois-democratic parliament. They are ideologicallymotivated in their belief which in a country in which bourgeois democratic trend has not yet beenfinished "the rule of the masses cannot be attained through normal politics methods" and so it really isabsolutely necessity in order to propagate "extensively and also concretely to boycott theparliamentary elections". Based on a personalized, thin and distracted notion about the objectiveconditions of India, the particular group believes which parliamentary institutions and also systemsare "discredited to a large extent in the eyes of the people" and there is simply no objective basis toallow them to participate in this system just for "exposing the parliamentary system from within".Participation in election "none helps in developing revolutionary class struggle, nor in enhancingdemocratic consciousness among the people."Instead, it only fosters constitutional illusions and distract coming from "intensifying revolutionaryclass struggle and provided struggle against the condition." According to them, "promoting alternativeinstitutions of peoples power" will be the only way to "improve peoples consciousness and to wipeout their illusions" about the present parliamentary system. Answering towards the question onexactly why the CPI (Maoist) declines to combat elections and will not participate in the democraticprocess, the Maoist leader Ganapathys provides remarked, "You think increasing issues in theparliament is the democratic approach whereas we believe that people are raising their own issues ina democratic way through organized protests". (Interview together with Ganapathy,http://www.satp.org) Marxist-Leninist parties and groups who participate in elections are accusedregarding diverting revolutionary provided struggle into lawful and peaceful channels. Termingparliamentary nation-wide politics as a dog-eat-dog world and the Parliament like a talking shop, arecently available Maoist released straight blames all the mainstream Left parties like CPI (M), CPIand even the Naxalite CPI (M-L) liberation , for playing the particular most dubious function inlegitimizing the particular farce of parliamentary process. The Maoists are particularly antagonizedwith the CPI (meters ) and have termed the largest communist party of India as social fascists.The politics theory of the Maoists seems to be more likely towards anarchism as compared toMarxism. The Maoist viewpoint on shunning elections as a matter of method is surprisingly similarwith the anarchist viewpoint. Anarchists believe that, "utilizing the state, standing in elections, onlyprepares people for following management - it does not motivate the self-activity, self-organization,direct action and also mass struggle necessary for a social trend." Likewise, the indian native Maoistsalso think that "participation in parliament does not help in developing the subjective makes. Rather itwill only drive them directly into legalism and move them from... Accelerating revolutionary class
    • struggle ". Anarchists argue for your need of "creating choice , libertarian, forms of social organizationwhich can turn into a force to avoid the state, win reforms and, ultimately, become the framework of atotally free society." The indian native Maoists believe in "promoting alternative institutions of peoplespower" as the only way to enhance individuals consciousness. Anarchists deny the Leninistindisputable fact that standing for elections immensely helps to bring the agitation of the proletarianparty among the masses. The indian native Maoists reflect exactly the same thought when this saysthat "participation in election is only going to sabotage the revolutionary movements ".Will the Maoists also echo the particular anarchist wisdom that Marxists are not Leninists? Whilemechanically theorizing their election boycott stand, the Maoists has carefully held aside the essentialpolemics of Lenin. Long ago, in one of his most important composing Left-wing Communism, anInfantile Disorder, Lenin has categorically remarked that participating in a bourgeois-democraticparliament actually helps the revolutionary party to prove to the backward masses why suchparliaments deserve to be done away with. Lenin had argued which far from causing damage , theparliamentary discussion board provides opportunities to uncover the system of capitalism andfacilitates the particular successful dissolution of the institution.Taking portion in the election campaigning draws the masses into the election battle to "take thebourgeoisie at its word and also utilize the machinery it has set up". To extend his / her argumentLenin had pointed out that "Communists should constantly, unremittingly and also unswervingly utilizeparliamentary elections...and all other fields, spheres and also aspects of public existence , and workin them all in a new approach , in a communist approach ". Communists must figure out how to"create a new, uncustomary, non-opportunist and non-careerist parliamentarianism". Lenin eventhough did not forget in order to ring his caution about the pseudo-revolutionaries - those who areincapable of taking into consideration the rapid alter of forms, become "hypnotized by a particularform" and are "frightened to see the break-up which objective problems made inevitable".V.Sudeep Chakravarti, the writer of Red sunshine : Travels in Naxalite Country has said within aninterview that, "Indias Maoists dont should win; they just must be there, to show all of us where wehave long gone wrong". Chakravartis affection towards the Maoists for his or her role as mindkeepers of the indian native society is basic and soaked together with romanticism. This unattractiveestimation might make sure you the middle-class mind of the Maoist sympathizers of India but willdefinitely not assist the Maoist movement in order to advance any further from other present situate.Unless the Maoists figure out how to shed their problematic obsession with provided activities,remove the dogmatic faith from their heads that guerrilla hostilities is the only road to liberation,realize the necessity of democratic struggle and mass-political plans , arrive on a typical platform withother still left parties and produce tactical alliances together to settle on concerns pertinent to thepeople , the movement continues to remain isolated and also confined within the distant corners ofthe country and also subsequently become marginalized.If the Maoist leaders cannot stop trying their old adventurist line and fully grasp the majorcontradictions of Indian society, itll be extremely difficult, if not difficult , for them to make progress
    • towards occupying the particular center-stage of indian native politics. By moving away from theircommitment to chaotic insurrection and becoming a member of the democratic method , the CPN(Maoist) in Nepal has recently shown a way to their own Indian counterpart. If the Indian Maoistmanagement can go for a major theoretical breakthrough and take into account the fast changes offorms and respond to the particular break-up which objective conditions made inevitable, whetherthey can develop the particular subjective forces in the true Marxist approach or remain blinded bymisreading of the objective conditions may determine their long term significance in the indian nativepolitical sphere.Internet References:1. Maoist Document: Strategy & Tactics of the indian native Revolution2. CLSA Special Report: Indias Naxalities3. Anil Biswas Maoism: an exercise in Anarchism4. Tilak D. Gupta: Recent Developments inside the Naxalite Movement5. Venkitesh Ramakrishnan: The road from Naxalbari6. Ajai Sahni: The riot of Red flagsCheck out Commission Breakthrough Review here...