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Strengthening Development Policy through Gender Research: Recent Findings from IFPRIs Gender and Intrahoushld Research Program
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Strengthening Development Policy through Gender Research: Recent Findings from IFPRIs Gender and Intrahoushld Research Program Presentation Transcript

  • 1. IFPRI Strengthening Development Policy through G d R th h Gender Research h Recent Findings from IFPRI’s Gender and Intrahousehold Research Program Agnes R. Quisumbing International Food Policy Research Institute INTERNATIONAL FOOD POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE
  • 2. Many decisions that affect the welfare of individuals are made within families and households IFPRI Page 2
  • 3. Development policy aims to improve the welfare of individuals. IFPRI  Do we understand how families and households make decisions?  How does the distribution of welfare between individuals in households—men and women—affect polic o tcomes? omen affect policy outcomes? Page 3
  • 4. Purpose of IFPRI’s gender and intrahousehold research program p g IFPRI  To understand how individuals and households make decisions, so that development policies can be more effective  Gender is only one aspect which differentiates individuals within households  What is the most important aspect will differ across countries and cultures Page 4
  • 5. Country coverage of the research program, 1994-2002 IFPRI  Four high-concentration countries (Bangladesh, Guatemala, Ethiopia, South Africa)  Eight supplemental studies countries Page 5
  • 6. Qualitative and quantitative methods IFPRI  Combination of qualitative methods with quantitative household surveys  Surveys covered 1000-1500 hhs in each country y  Different policy focus in each, but comparable modules across countries Page 6
  • 7. Analytical methods IFPRI  Qualitative methods  Statistical tools  Econometric analysis Page 7
  • 8. General Research Findings IFPRI Page 8
  • 9. Households do not act as one when making decisions IFPRI  Men and women do not always have the same preferences nor pool their resources  Men’s and women’s resources have different effects on household decisionmaking  Who is targeted affects the outcome of policy Source: Quisumbing and Maluccio 2000 Page 9
  • 10. Households may not pool resources nor share the same preferences p IFPRI Example from Burkina Faso (Alderman et al. 1996; Udry 1996;Smith and Chavas 1996)  Pl t managed b women h Plots d by have significantly i ifi tl lower yields than plots controlled by men  Men’s plots have higher labor inputs by both men and children  Fertilizer is more intensively applied on men’s plots  In Burkina Faso, output of households, where men and women did not share the same preferences, preferences was 25% less responsive to maize prices than in households where preferences were the same Page 10
  • 11. Share of resources depends on bargaining power, but women control fewer resources than men IFPRI 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 BGD GUA ETH SAFR % Women's assets compared to men's % Women's schooling compared to men's Source: Quisumbing and Maluccio 2000 Page 11
  • 12. Outcomes differ between men and women IFPRI  Gender differences in  Cross-country differences in poverty measures women’s status 1. Women tend to be 1. Big differences between South overrepresented Asia and Latin America among poor 2. There are many more 2. In SA, 2 I SA women t d t b less tend to be l women living in educated than their husbands poverty in male- 3. Women marry younger in SA headed hhs, than h d d hh th compared t LAC d to those in female- 4. Son preference greater in headed hhs countries where women have lower status l t t Source: Quisumbing et al.2001 Source: Smith et al. 2002 Page 12
  • 13. Females in South Asia do worse than males in terms of nutritional outcomes IFPRI Micronutrient malnutrition is a serious problem in p developing countries  Micronutrient requirements are g greater for women and children, but they suffer most from micronutrient deficiencies Page 13
  • 14. The example of the intrahousehold distribution of iron-rich foods in Bangladesh IFPRI Intrahousehold distribution of animal and fish products, Bangladesh Income Level Low Medium High Animal and Fish Girls, Age2-5 21 22 40 Boys, Age2-5 30 45 58 Women, Age20-55 31 43 61 Men, Age20 55 Men Age20-55 65 70 98 Source: Bouis et al. 1998 Page 14
  • 15. Local norms, not statutory laws, affect women’s rights and resources g IFPRI Page 15
  • 16. Why pay attention to social and legal institutions? IFPRI  Formal and informal social and legal institutions are where development interventions take place  These institutions provide the basis for women to legitimately make claim to resources Page 16
  • 17. IFPRI  Despite legal reform, customary laws matter more in actual practice • In rural Ethiopia, local norms important in the p distribution of assets upon death or divorce • Assets brought into marriage affect divorce distribution • However, control of assets has an even stronger effect on disposition Source: Fafchamps and Quisumbing 2002 Q i bi Page 17
  • 18. Customary law is dynamic… IFPRI  Customary law in parts of Ghana does not usually favor women • Inheritance by members of matriclan • Wives and children do not inherit from husbands  Husbands now giving wives “ ift ” of cocoa land i “gifts” f l d in return for helping establish cocoa  Gifts have strong individual rights, benefiting women Page 18
  • 19. Legal reform is strengthening women’s rights IFPRI  In Ghana, the Intestate Succession Law (ISL) (1985) provides for wife and children if the man dies without a will. ill  Distribution according to ISL: 3/16 to spouse, 9/16 to children, 1/8 to parent, 1/8 to matriclan  Common interpretation of ISL: 1/3 each to surviving spouse, children, and matrilineal family—even more favorable towards women than the law!  …but note that legal reform came after changes in local practice Page 19
  • 20. IFPRI  Policies and external forces can challenge traditional norms • In Ethiopia, local Ethiopia administrations have granted user rights to women due to the land to the tiller policy • However, this is usually if a suitable male head of household is absent (Fafchamps and Quisumbing 2002) Page 20
  • 21. IFPRI  Technologies that increase returns to women’s labor may increase bargaining power and rights to land • In Ghana, cocoa increased demand for women’s labor so much that husbands gave “gifts” of land in return for labor • Agricultural research should develop technologies to increase returns to women’s labor Page 21
  • 22. IFPRI  Strengthening women’s land rights is not enough to raise yields—other yields other constraints also need to be addressed • While male and female cocoa farmers in Ghana are equally likely to plant cocoa, women obtain lower yields on their plots • This may indicate greater credit and labor constraints faced by female farmers, but also suggests inefficiency in the allocation of resources between men’s and women’s plots. • Women may also concentrate more on food crops than on cocoa (Quisumbing et al. 2001) Page 22
  • 23. If legal rights limit asset ownership, women may accumulate social capital instead p IFPRI  “Social capital refers to features of social Social organization such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit ” Putnam benefit.” (1995)  Microfinance initiatives working through g g women’s groups illustrate ways of using social capital for women’s benefit Page 23
  • 24. However… IFPRI  Criteria for group membership and operational procedures limit women’s participation • In South Asia members Asia, must have legal right to land or be formal head of household to join formal water user’s groups • Stereotyped perceptions of women’s roles also limit participation • Illiteracy and lack of experience in groups are barriers for women Source: Meinzen-Dick and Zwarteveen 1998 Page 24
  • 25. Implications for operational procedures IFPRI  Allow both male and female members of hhs to be eligible for membership g p  Timing, location, and structure of formal meetings should allow for women’s participation  Conduct functional literacy training  Expand opportunities for women to participate in other types of meetings Page 25
  • 26. Relative to men, increasing women’s resources benefits families IFPRI  Equalizing resources held by women and men can increase agricultural yields by up to 20% (Alderman et al. 1996)  Increases in women’s resources have the strongest effects on education, health, and nutrition (Hallman 2000; Smith et al. 2001)  Women’s social networks help families p cope with income shocks (Maluccio et al. 2001) Page 26
  • 27. Increasing women’s resources improves agricultural productivity IFPRI  Burkina Faso: Output of women’s plots, and total household output could h h ld t t ld be increased by 10-20% by reallocating resources from men s men’s plots to women’s plots (Alderman et al. 1996)  Ghana: strengthening women’s property rights increases incentives to adopt agroforestry and is good for environmental g management Page 27
  • 28. Improving women’s status and resources improves child health and nutrition IFPRI Contributions to reductions in child malnutrition, 1970-95 Health environment 19% Women s Women's education 43% National food availability 26% Women's status Source: Smith and Haddad 2000 12% Page 28
  • 29. Household welfare responds more to women’s social capital, if women participate more in groups IFPRI Kwazulu-Natal Household  Women more likely to Panel Survey 1993 and 1998 be a group member  Membership increasing p g 39 from 1993 to 1998 30 • In 1993, household 29 welfare did not respond 23 to men’s nor women’s social capital. • In 1998, both women’s and men’s membership men s in groups increase household welfare, but 1993 1998 welfare responds more to women’s social Men Women capital owing to their higher participation in groups. groups Source: Maluccio et al. 2002 Page 29
  • 30. Innovative ways to increase women’s resources have made projects successful IFPRI  Examples include: • Credit and technologies targeted to women (Sharma 2001; Bouis t l B i et al. 1998) • Income transfers targeted to women (Skoufias d (Sk fi and Mclafferty 2001; Adato et al. 2000) • C Community d care it day programs (Ruel et al. 2001) Page 30
  • 31. Gains from agricultural and credit projects often depend on the targeting mechanism IFPRI Example: Different dissemination methods of agricultural technology in Bangladesh 1. Small-holder vegetable production, targeted to women 2. Household-owned fishponds, targeted to both men and women 3. Group-owned fishponds targeted to women  Outcomes from these projects differed depending on how successful they were in reaching women Page 31
  • 32. Project modalities and cultural constraints affected project outcomes. IFPRI  Limited benefits from  In contrast, the group vegetable production fishpond project: project because: 1. Land tenure system not 1. Encouraged groups of in women’s favor poor women to participate in 2. Purdah meant women production, production enabled could not cultivate land, women to negotiate negotiate in market, sell with men produce 2. Challenged g g gender 3. Women could not division of labor and expand production to workplace family’s agricultural 3. Enabled women to land save th income f the i from fish production Income gains were small, but bigger effects came from credit given to women and opportunity to join credit programs Source: Naved 2000 Page 32
  • 33. Providing additional resources to families can increase school enrollments, particularly for girls. IFPRI  Under the Food for Education program in Bangladesh, Bangladesh a monthly ration of cereals is converted into an income supplement which permits a child from a poor family to attend school.  The family can consume the food, or sell it and use the money to cover its expenses. Page 33
  • 34. IFPRI  In 2000, around 2 million families benefited from FFE  Each eligible household obtained 15-20 kilos of cereals each month, depending on the the number of children in primary school.  Children in primary school were eligible to receive FFE rations if they complied with at least one of the following criteria: landless household or those with l ith less th 0.25 h t than 0 25 hectares; hh head is a daily h di d il wage worker; female-headed household; low- income earners Page 34
  • 35. School enrollment rates (percent change in schools with FFE) IFPRI  According to an IFPRI 50 evaluation, enrollment 45 rates i FFE schools t in h l 40 increased by 35% 35  Girls’ enrollments 30 increased by 44% i db 25  Boys’ enrollments 20 increased by only 29% 15  Enrollment rates in 10 schools without FFE 5 increased only by 0 2.5% 2 5% over th same the ts s ys irl en Bo period G ud st Source: Ahmed and del Ninno 2001 ll A Page 35
  • 36. Providing conditional cash transfers to women can improve children’s human capital outcomes IFPRI  The example of PROGRESA (Programa Nacional de Educación, Salud, y Alimentación) in México: • The anti-poverty program began in August 1997 g • The program included various components: cash transfers conditional on school attendance, attendance regular attendance at clinics, improvement in health services, and nutritional supplements • Giving cash transfers directly to women as an innovation in the design of social programs in México México. Page 36
  • 37. Results in education IFPRI  PROGRESA increased enrollment rates of boys and girls, particularly in secondary school  Enrollment rates for girls increased by 11-14% (of b 11 14% ( f boys, 5-8%) 5 8%)  The additional 0.7 years of schooling due to PROGRESA is projected to increase lifetime incomes by 8% Source: Schultz 2000 Page 37
  • 38. Results in health IFPRI  Morbidity of children in PROGRESA decreased by 12%  Illness days of adults decreased by 19%  PROGRESA had a significant effect on reducing the probability of low height for age, an l h i ht f indicator of long-term malnutrition (Z height for age < 2 standard deviations Foto:(c) Patricia Poppe,JHU/CCP F ( )P i i P JHU/CCP from the international growth standard) Source: Gertler 2000; Behrman and Hoddinott 2000 Page 38
  • 39. Cash transfers directed to women can empower women and increase their role in household decisionmaking IFPRI Page 39
  • 40. Findings from the quantitative study IFPRI  Cash transfers to women can empower women by increasing their control over resources, thus increasing their bargaining power within the i i th i b i i ithi th household  Cash transfers decreased the probability that husbands h b d were the sole decisionmakers in 5 out of th l d i i k i t f 8 outcomes (seeking medical care for children, telling the child to go to school, expenditures on child clothing food expenditures and house clothing, expenditures, repairs)  Cash transfers had a negative and significant effect on the probability that the woman let her husband decide how to spend her additional income  Source de la Briere and Quisumbing 2000 Page 40
  • 41. Findings from the qualitative study (Adato and Mindek 2000) IFPRI  PROGRESA contributed to women’s empowerment in four ways: 1. 1 She did not need to ask mone from her money husband; if she needed to buy something, she could buy it herself with the money from PROGRESA 2. She had more confidence in her ability to determine if she had enough money to buy the things she needs 3. If there is more money available for the family to spend on food, which is part of the woman’s domain, women expand the scope of their decisionmaking, decisionmaking even if the types of decisions do not change 4. Cash transfers from PROGRESA have the p potential to increase women’s decisionmaking g domain Page 41
  • 42. Providing low-cost quality child care helps remove constraints to women’s employment outside the home IFPRI Characteristics of life in urban areas  Individuals and households depend on their incomes for food and other necessities d th iti  Women participate more in the labor force  Higher proportion of single mothers  Different family structure (nuclear rather than extended) Page 42
  • 43. Community Day Care Program (Programa de Hogares Comunitarios) IFPRI  The day care program is part of an anti- poverty strategy t t t  Program began in 1991 as a pilot project in G t i Guatemala City to l Cit t help working mothers  Program is based on community it participation and promotes the holistic development of children and the community Page 43
  • 44. ram Initial Monthly Monthly inputs inputs inputs PROGRAM ACTIVITIES Progr . Equipment . Food aid . Training . Food money . Menús . Quota per child Hogar Hogar/ Nutrition Madre cuidadora Education Care/hygiene Initial Monthly nity y/ ommun Inputs inputs Family Household . Sugar, soap, . Furniture others F . Eq ipment Equipment co . Quota per . Money child
  • 45. Impact evaluation results IFPRI  The program permits mothers to work in the formal sector, to have higher salaries and to receive employment benefits l tb fit  The program had a significant impact on the diet of children, especially micronutrient intakes  However, the program covered only 3% of the population of working mothers in Mixco and demand exceeded supply Source: Ruel et al. 2000 Page 45
  • 46. Programs which involve women in group and communal activities can provide opportunities for increased autonomy and women’s empowerment IFPRI  PROGRESA included activities such as group meetings where women g could communicate with each other: • Monthly meetings with promotoras • Health meetings • Community work related to the school Page 46
  • 47. The promotoras and beneficiaries described personal changes which were forms of empowerment IFPRI  Women: • Left the house more frequently • Had the opportunity to talk with each other about problems and solutions • Became more comfortable speaking in groups • Learned much in health meetings But… • Changes in intrahousehold relations were modest Source: Adato and Mindek 2000 Page 47
  • 48. Including men in initial project meetings increases their acceptance of programs with high involvement of women (Adato and Mindek 2000) IFPRI  Most men accept the participation of women in the program because its benefits help him and the family  Some men are not pleased with the amount of time women spend outside the d t id th home due to program responsibilities  Including men in initial g meetings where responsibilities of beneficiaries and program activities are explained p has increased their acceptance of the program Page 48
  • 49. Build gender-sensitive monitoring and evaluation into project design IFPRI  Gender considerations in staffing can be critical for project acceptability. • Women were uncomfortable when male doctors gave W f t bl h l d t talks about Pap smears or family planning.  Participants and service providers may not P ti i t d i id t understand program objectives, especially those related to intrahousehold objectives • Infants and children to whom nutritional supplements were directed often received only a fraction of the nutrients which the program stipulated. • The supplement was often shared with other family members, even if sharing was a clear violation of the program rules. Source: Adato, Coady, and Ruel 2000 Page 49
  • 50. Paying attention to gender issues in operations evaluations can improve monitoring and evaluation IFPRI  Objective of operations evaluations (OE): to identify the elements of the program which experience operational problems, problems the sources of these problems and to problems, propose solutions  It is necessary to include all actors men and women actors—men women— who can influence or be affected by operational performance  The operations evaluation of PROGRESA included: beneficiaries, promotoras, school directors, and personnel of health clinics  The operations evaluation of the PHC included: parent beneficiaries, madres cuidadoras, and social workers Page 50
  • 51. The request of parents to have more flexible hours of care in Guatemala, according to focus groups IFPRI  The PHC is well designed and implemented, and highly appreciated by its implementors and users  Focus groups yielded many suggestions relataed to the gg multiple roles of beneficiaries: • Care of children under 1 year • Day care on Saturdays • Inclusion of aspects related to health Page 51
  • 52. Why pay attention to gender in development p policy and projects? y p j IFPRI Because it makes sense sense. Page 52