Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
Birkbeck College
School of Politics & Sociology
MSc/MRes marksheet
Student number: 12401266 Date: 23/2/09
Course: PoG
Essay No: 2
Topic: 11
Structure
Introduction good x No or weak introduction
Develops logically x Rambles
Conclusion sums up & answers x Drifts off
Legible/fluent x Unclear
Substance
Analytical x Descriptive
Accurate x Questionable
Transparent x Opaque
Independent x Uncritical
Relevant x Answers different question
Answering the question:
The student focuses on the question throughout the essay.
Structure:
There is a well designed and well signposted structure to the paper.
Conceptual clarity:
There are several issues with certain concepts that are used in the piece.
Analytic content:
The student attempts to weigh up the pros and cons of postcolonial theory from a number of positions.
Evidence and examples:
While some examples were deployed, greater engagement with them may have altered the argument
somewhat.
Literature:
A wide literature is consulted, some of which is on post-colonialism.
Style and presentation:
The student shows excellent drafting skills.
Marked by: Lorraine Macmillan. Mark: 65%
Comments
The student attempts to assess the benefits post-colonial theory brings to global politics. Several different
approaches are employed to reveal these and any possible shortcomings.
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Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
There are some valid criticisms made of post-colonialism. By and large however, the student lacks a sufficient
grounding in this theory to argue the charges he/she makes against it (a selection are discussed below). There is
also a need for the student to define ‘global politics’ and why it is equated with mainstream international relations
theory.
Problems first arise in the opening section when the student separates colonialism from trade and war, and then
goes on to assert without sufficient justification that identity is the core of legitimacy. Identity is black-boxed in
the essay and is used to stand in for a number of concepts that need unpacking. In fact, it appears that the student
understands the post-colonial project merely as the recovering of subaltern voices and a reshaping of a western-
centric historiography in order that widespread hybridity can be revealed. The idea of mutual constitution of
identity is confused with hybridization and therefore the agency of the subaltern within asymmetric power
relations is ignored. Identity is mistakenly seen as the sole focus for post-colonial work and credited with its
potential to disrupt hegemonic concepts in IR. How this might be the case is not specified given that identity, for
realists at least, is an irrelevance.
In the closing paragraphs, the student makes specific charges of post-colonialism which display some critical
insight but often also, a misunderstanding of the project. For example, the criticism that post-colonialism is not
prescriptive assumes that this is regarded as desirable by post colonial scholars, who like other schools of thought,
reject attempts to create or sustain metanarratives. Given the absence of prescription and concerns stated
elsewhere that the theory is not sufficiently abstract, it seems curious that the student should go on to claim that
post-colonialism is normative to the point of being utopian. There also appears to be confusion over the
emancipatory aims of the theory: post-colonial scholars are not advocating a liberal cosmopolitan world, nor
necessarily a replacement of the state. Lastly, given that European colonialism died only a half century ago,
leaving in its wake effects that are still being felt in international relations, the accusation that postcolonial theory
over-emphasizes European imperialism is silly.
The student needs to engage in greater reading to launch a convincing attack on postcolonialism’s flaws.
Politics of Globalization
What are the strengths and limitations of post-colonialism as an approach to global politics?
February 2009
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Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
Introduction
In 1914, roughly two thirds of the world’s population were either colonised or were members of a
colonising state.1 Colonialism, especially the consolidation of European overseas empires during the 19th and early
20th centuries interconnected the world as never before. So much so that some trace globalization to this
For the first time, policymakers’ imaginations could encompass the whole of humanity.2
moment. The
interconnections ran deep. In the past, trade had established regular contact and exchange between different
cultures. War had done the same with hard power. But colonialism is sustainable only if it demands loyalty to a
foreign power; where it cannot achieve this peacefully, it does so with force. Since political loyalty is rooted in
political identity, colonialism can have powerful effects on identity – on both the colonised and the coloniser.
While ancient Rome’s conquest of Greek cities cross-fertilised Roman and Greek cultures, affecting both
Mediterranean centres’ sense of self, colonisation in the global age mixed cultures from around the world, knitting
together new and more complex identities. In the ancient Mediterranean, Roman aristocrats patronised their
neighbouring Greek sculptors and Greeks built temples to worship their nearby Roman emperors.3 In the global
age, Belgium became renowned for the cocoa grown in the Congo and streets in Vietnamese cities were adorned
with French facades.
Today’s world cannot be understood without the context of this colonial history. It is a post-colonial
world, in which English, Spanish and French are the languages of officialdom and business across most of the
global South and the most popular cuisine in Britain is based on north Indian recipes. The upshot of post-
colonialist theory is this hybridity, overlapping and constantly shifting identities that are a result of a complicated,
intertwined world history. In this sense, post-colonialism has come to form part of the wider globalization
discourse. If trade and war were regionalising forces, colonialism was a truly globalizing force, with similar effects
but on a much larger scale. And here is post-colonialism’s link to ‘global politics’. There are no formal global
1
Crude estimate based on data originally compiled by United Nations, presented online by GeoHive, http://www.xist.org/.
Major regions not under colonial regime in 1914 include China, most of Central and Latin America, parts of Central and
Eastern Europe, Scandanavia, parts of Central Asia.
2
Robertson R, cited on page 18 in Barkawi T, 2006, Globalization and War (Rowman and Littlefield).
3
Pages 421 – 425 in Fox R L, 2008, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian, (Basic Books).
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politics, no international, universally respected legal framework through which policy can be executed. But
peaceful politics depends on legitimacy and the soul of legitimacy is identity. Colonialism – and globalization more
generally – works on individual identity, feeding it and challenging it. This, in turn, puts pressures on the
conventional boundaries of political identity: nation-states. In this essay, ‘global politics’ is construed in this way,
as an undulating space parallel to the reality of nationally-bounded laws, in which individual identities are
internationally influenced and loyalties flourish and fade.
The essay is divided into four main sections. The first distils the main features of post-colonialism, drawing
on a few key texts. Said encouraged a revision of history in the Western world, which would become the
cornerstone of the post-colonial approach. Others, such as Gilroy and Appudurai, then took Said’s work forward,
to critique the Euro-centric, static model of conventional International Relations (IR). The second section discusses
the strength of this approach: post-colonialism’s rejection of theoretical abstraction provides policymakers with
important insights that IR cannot. A degree of abstraction, however, is fundamental to any theory – post-
colonialism’s key strength is also the source of its key weakness. The third section attempts to link post-
colonialism’s rejection of abstraction to a failure to add anything new to our understanding of global politics; the
forces and concepts is relies on may be better understood by other approaches. Also, its focus on European
empire often leads to a bias that blinds it to salient social forces, especially the role of technology. The last section
criticises post-colonialism’s naïve promise of new possibilities for identity unfastened from the nation-state and
offers summary conclusions. First, then, what is post-colonialism?
Post-colonialism
Other histories
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Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
Said’s seminal text Orientalism was first published in 1978.4 In it, Said asserted that Western attitudes
toward non-European cultures were based on false presumptions and shallow stereotypes. For Said, the long
domination of Europe over Asia had created distorted histories, in which European culture was considered the
norm and other cultures an aberration. Furthermore, European academics had appropriated the history of those
other cultures, forcing them to clumsily fit Europe’s political, economic and social concepts. Pigg’s work in Papua
demonstrates the reflexive effects these distorted histories can have as the subjects of these histories come to
understand themselves in foreign terms, mediated by their own culture.5 A similar theme of history written by
strangers is also at the heart of Escobar’s critique of the development discourse.6
By uncovering this bias, Orientalism (now a pejorative term) inspired several attempts to redeem other,
non-European, histories. Post-colonialism began as a revision of colonial history, focused on extricating the
‘native’ voice from that history. Hochschild’s King Leopold’s Ghost is a powerful example.7 The study exposes King
Leopold’s regime of forced labour in the Congo between 1885 and 1908. Importantly, it relies on documents that
were suppressed by Belgian authorities for generations – documents that were often written by native Congolese.
By salvaging alternatives to our received wisdom, post-colonialists challenge our understanding of the world and
the ordering of powers within it. These alternatives introduce new political concepts to us, new systems of
politics, many of which are widespread enough to fundamentally undermine the conventional state-centric model
of IR.
A critique of IR
Classical models of IR are based on the Westphalian system of nation-states, centred on absolute
territorial sovereignty. Realism, at the heart of IR, simplifies international relations to the interaction of isolated
4
Said took his lead from Derrida and Foucalt, both of whom challenge our ways of understanding the world. See Said E,
1979, Orientalism, (Vintage).
5
Pigg S, cited on page 15 in Escobar A, 1994, Encountering Development: the Making and Unmaking of the Third World
(Princeton UP).
6
Escobar A, 1994, Encountering Development: the Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton UP).
7
Hochschild A, 1999, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa, (Mariner).
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nation-states, each of which seek to maximise their national interests – articulated mainly in terms of security. But
the other histories uncovered by post-colonialism pose awkward questions for IR theorists. Once world history is
freed from the confines of Euro-centric political concepts, it becomes clear that most parts of the world do not fit
the simple IR model. An obvious example is the Islamic world. The importance of the Uma, the universal Islamic
community, means that many Muslims feel a higher obligation to other Muslims than to their state. An Islamic
state may align itself with another Muslim community even if it is against its national interest, something that the
crudest IR models cannot account for. (Consider, for example, Egypt’s support of Palestine during the 1960s or
Pakistan’s links to mujahideen in Kashmir.)
Central to post-colonialism is its rejection of theoretical abstraction when faced with the true complexity
of world history. The depth of interconnection in the colonial age has, post-colonialists argues, created such
diverse national and individual identities that no abstraction of them can possibly hold true for all. Since IR is
based on just such abstractions, it is irredeemably flawed. Krishna and Darby, for example, cite IR’s assumption of
a single power’s absolute territorial sovereignty, an essentially modern European concept, as an example but there
are many others, including narrowly defined national interest and the focus on hard power.8
For realists, hard power and the need for security are the key to understanding the international political
system. Underpinning this is another assumption: states are self-contained ‘egoists’, their behaviour an abstract
expression of their self-interested nation.9 To the extent that realists consider the internal workings of a nation-
state at all, they assume that political identities are defined by national identities. Post-colonialists, however, not
only emphasise the political power of identity over hard power, they also note that the nation-state is no longer a
container for ‘imagined communities’.10 Colonialism (among other historical forces) created diasporas that often
identify more strongly with each other than with the state they legally belong to.11 Appudurai, therefore, posits a
8
Page 405 in Krishna S, 2001, Race, Amnesia and the Education of International Relations, (Alternatives 26); page 14 in
Darby P, 2004, Pursuing the Political: A Postcolonial Rethinking of Relations International, (Millennium Vol 33, No 1).
9
‘Egoists’ was the term used by Keohane. See, for example, Keohane R, 1984, After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in
the World Political Economy (Princeton UP).
10
Appadurai A, 1996, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (University of Minnesota Press); concept of
‘imagined communities’ originally in Anderson B, 1993, Imagined Communities, (Verso).
11
Norman Tebbit, a Conservative MP in the UK famously coined the ‘Tebbit test’. He noted that second and even third
generation English Pakistanis and Indians passionately supported those countries over England in cricket matches.
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Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
re-mapping of political communities at a global level, along a series of ‘scapes’. A financescape, for example,
would trace the connections of remittances through sophisticated financial networks; an idioscape could do the
same along the line of ideologies and modes of representation; an ethnoscape would track the transnational flow
of peoples through tourism, economic migration and displacement. Appudurai understands all of these to be
mediated by a global media that diffuses ideas, images and archetypes – technoscape and mediascape are two
more mappings.
All of Appudurai’s scapes emphasise constant movement: of ideas, goods, finance, and people. This is
another departure from conventional IR, which, by abstracting away the complexity of national identities and
motives, assumes inert actors. Gilroy makes this point in his Black Atlantic.12 Re-visiting the impact of the Atlantic
slave trade on (especially black) American identity, he takes the Atlantic itself as an analytical unit. Rather than
taking the usual political territories of the Americas, West Africa and Western Europe, Gilroy suggests the Atlantic,
on which slave ships conveyed people from one culture to another while merchant ships conveyed crops
(especially sugar cane) from one territory to another, should be considered a political space in itself. Post-
colonialists’ emphasis on dynamism and movement, and the hybrid, changing identities they create even
distinguish them from others in the globalization discourse. They are apposed, for example, to more static views
of globality as an end-point (Shaw); an even and still global political space (Tomlinson); or the fixed core-periphery
models of neo-Marxists.13
Other identities
The forces of movement and change, post-colonialists argue, create new possibilities for political identity.
Appudurai’s scapes show there are many alternatives to identity based on the nation-state – indeed, other
identities may resonate more intensely with individuals, especially those in diasporas. Gilroy extrapolates his
12
Gilroy P, 1993, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Harvard UP).
13
Shaw M, 2000, Theory of the Global State: Globality as Unfinished Revolution (Cambridge UP); Tomlinson J, 2004,
Globalization and Culture (Polity); outlining of Wallerstein’s ‘world systems’ theory on pages 57 – 60 in Nash K, 1999,
Contemporary Political Sociology: Globalization, Politics and Power (Wiley Blackwell).
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argument of black Americans’ conflicting identity in America to all of us. Black Americans, he holds, feel like
‘insiders-outsiders’, what DuBois called ‘double-consciousness’.14 They are quintessentially American and yet the
story of their arrival on the continent is a brutal contrast with the American story of free pioneers settling a new
land. Rather than subscribe to some black nationalists’ appeal to ‘roots’, an African homeland, Gilroy emphasises
‘routes’, the transatlantic shipping lanes in which the political identity of black America was forged. But such
movement and change can be applied to all peoples. We are all in some distant way the product migrations and
the intermingling of different cultures. This opens up a new possibility: our identities need not be nationally
bounded but can be sourced in this pool of common experience. Other identities are possible and, since they
emphasise what is common to us, they can be constructed in more mutually accommodating ways than national
identities, which necessarily rely on an ‘us’ and a ‘them’.
Lessons from post-colonialism – truth and method
Truth
Whatever the consequences of the post-colonialists’ arguments, the discourse’s strength is more in its
method than its conclusions. Post-colonialism’s first service is simple: establishing truth. To the extent that
objective fact is at the heart of fruitful analysis, removing the biases from history that, according to Said, we have
almost become oblivious to, is a valuable achievement.15 This is especially so for former colonies whose native
cultures do not have a tradition of history – or even of keeping records. The efforts of post-colonialists, then, shed
new light on the politics and culture or once colonised regions. Retrieving the ‘native voice’ allows us to better
understand the political alternatives that these native cultures represent. Moreover, we gain insight to the culture
and identity of these regions and of the diasporas from these regions. To know that the practice of maiming
enemies in the Congo originates from King Leopold’s policies there is more than just trivia. It belies presumptions
that Central African culture is inherently violent. The example can be extended to almost indefinitely to show how
14
Gilroy P, 1993, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Harvard UP).
15
Indeed, the phenomenon of ‘winners’ critically revising their own history to may be uniquely post-colonial.
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a mixture of influences gave rise to the cultures and identities we see today, underlining the need for global
politics to be understood in terms of movement, perpetual change and hybrid identities.
Method
Post-colonialism’s chief strength as an approach to global politics arises from these insights: its critique of
IR. Understanding the historical forces that forged our complicated and still changing identities forces a
fundamental re-thinking of IR. Nation-states cannot always be taken as the basic political unit. Policymakers must
think in terms of other bases of identity, other motives that drive individuals and groups to behave as they do. As
international rates of migration continue to increase, the cultural boundaries of nation-states melt all the more,
and new identities – and hence alliances and enmities – are formed. The abstraction of nation-states as
functionally similar black boxes becomes less sustainable and the need for a transnational understanding of
political forces all the more acute.
Contradictions of post-colonialism – abstraction and bias
Abstraction and policy
But some degree of abstraction is essential to any theory. By rejecting abstraction and emphasising
pragmatism, post-colonialism cannot provide a coherent and stable framework for policymakers to work through.
A post-colonialist understanding of global politics may compel us to recognise the complex and changing nature of
political identity but the discourse has not yet developed into a set of policy prescriptions. And if post-colonialism
cannot be a theory then it cannot claim to add anything new to our understanding of global politics. After all, the
forces which it describes are already recognised within the wider globalization discourse.
‘Post-colonialism’ is at root a misnomer. Its insights do not relate to the effects of colonialism, per se, but
to the effects of deepening interconnections and cultural exchange – colonialism simply did this on a larger scale.
Post-colonialism’s observations of the effects of these interconnections on political identity are better captured
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Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
elsewhere in the globalization discourse. As for the specific effects of colonialism, these may be better captured
by the study of empire. Historians have long known about how empires force changes in the identities of all their
subjects. In the late 18th century, the Qing empire in China standardised bureaucracy and laws across what is now
Mongolia, directly affecting the various ethnic cultures there by introducing language and customs from the
Yangtze delta to as far west as Turkic Central Asia.16 Historians are also well-aware of the effects of propaganda
and the suppression of native voices under empire. During (especially) the last of Rome’s Punic Wars with
Carthage (146 BC), the Roman senate painted Rome as high, virtuous civilization and the sophisticated and
powerful Carthaginians as ‘untrustworthy, degenerate and effeminate child sacrificers’.17 The same themes run
though the history of the 19th and 20th century empires. Political science should differ from history by ultimately
providing us with a theoretical framework for policy. IR, flawed as it may be, does this; by rejecting abstraction,
post-colonialism cannot.
Abstraction and bias
Ironically, the lack of abstraction can lead to the bias that post-colonialists seek to discredit. Most post-
colonial writers focus on the European colonialism of the recent past and thereby ignore the effects of other
empires. Of course the British Raj affected identities in India but so did the Muslim conquests from Central Asia
from the 11th century onwards. Post-colonial writing takes on a normative tone, often painting European
colonialism as uniquely tyrannical. Krishna typifies this hypocrisy by making a leap in logic to suggest IR is
essentially racist. From arguing, reasonably, that IR is based on abstractions which often proved convenient by
rationalizing genocides, he suddenly argues it is essentially a ‘white discipline’.18 It is fair to argue that IR, a
European creation, is based on European political concepts that do not hold universally true. But that does not
mean it is deliberately racist.
16
Newby, L J, 2005, pages 32 – 43,The Empire and the Khanate: A Political History of Qing Relations with Khoqand c. 1760
– 1860, (Brill).
17
Baker S, 2006, pages 61 – 62, Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire, (BBC Books).
18
Page 407 in Krishna S, 2001, Race, Amnesia and the Education of International Relations, (Alternatives 26).
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Furthermore, while arguing we should consider the specific histories of peoples rather than lump them
into the political concepts we use for our own culture, post-colonialist texts are often guilty of treating Europe as a
monolith. Krishna – and several others – assumes that all European colonialists were the same. Morrison, for
example, is quoted by Krishna: “Modern life begins with slavery…Slavery broke the world in half… It broke
Europe….it made them crazy… They had to dehumanize, not just the slaves but themselves.”19 Such a myopic
approach risks turning post-colonialists into occidentalists, a mirror reflection of Said’s orientalists. 20 A degree of
abstraction allows us to grasp the repeating patterns in history, that slavery, even on a massive scale, is certainly
not modern (as Morrison suggests above); that the powerful have always justified domination, often by
monopolising and controlling knowledge; and that the effects of European colonialism on political identity are the
same as those of much older empires but simply on a larger scale.
The role of technology
And it is only this scale that distinguishes European colonialism from the empires of the past. But this is
obscured in post-colonial thinking by the refusal to see history repeating itself. Both the Roman and British
empires were driven by a search for new resources, new revenues and regional competition. But the longer reach
of the British empire was made possible by one thing: technology. At the beginning of the industrial revolution in
the mid-18th century, Britain had a few trading colonies overseas. As the industrial and scientific revolutions
progressed, multiplying Britain’s productive capacity and yielding steamships, electricity and telephones, its
colonies could be consolidated into the largest formal empire in world history.21 Technology was essential to
Europe’s lead in colonisation – globalization – of the world and continues to underpin the web of interconnections
that forge the fast-moving hybrid cultures and identities of what we call globalization (compare, for example,
19
Page 408 in Krishna S, 2001, Race, Amnesia and the Education of International Relations, (Alternatives 26).
20
See, for example, Buruma I & Margalit A, 2005, Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies, (Penguin).
21
See, for example, page 113 in Marshal P J (Ed), 2001, The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, (Cambridge
UP).
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Japan’s concurrent imperial ambitions in Asia). The role of technology is vital to any understanding of global
politics. Post-colonialism’s subjectivity, however, blinds it to technology’s saliency.
Utopianism
Subjective analyses lead to naïve conclusions. Post-colonialists hope that an understanding of our hybrid
identities will compel us to abandon antagonistic national identities and adopt identities based on our common
history. This is dangerously utopian. What will our political loyalty focus on? Identity, a sense of self, depends on
discriminating between self and other. Hirst and Thompson have discussed how the nation-state continues to
provide a focus for political loyalty in a way that no supranational body can. 22 Even as global interconnections
deepen and Appudurai’s scapes compete to influence identity, there is little to suggest that nation-states are
losing their ability to anchor political identities. Even the dynamics of diasporas discussed by Appudurai may be
best understood through an ethnic politics perspective rather than post-colonialism (e.g. Irish Americans funding
the IRA; Jewish Americans support of Israel). Gilroy’s ‘insider-outsider’ identity would only affect diasporas,
leaving the vast majority of humanity as ‘insiders’. However interconnected the world, human beings remain tied
to their surroundings; this is the soil in which identity germinates. The degree to which local cultures dominate
political identities will vary across states, most likely depending on whether states emphasise the civic or ethnic
aspects of identity. Here, studies of nationalism may have more to teach us than post-colonialism.23
Nonetheless, post-colonialism’s essential message of a complicated, overlapping world history resulting in
hybrid cultures remains intact. Movement and perpetual change, as Gilroy suggests, can be fruitful analytical
perspectives. Even if post-colonists are narrowly focused on European colonialism and even if the themes they
discern are well known to historians, the timing of the post-colonial discourse is important. When the native
histories of several ex-colonies were almost forgotten, post-colonialism helped to redeem them and in doing so
remind us to question what makes us who we are. That is an important service to global politics.
22
Hirst P & Thompson G, 2000, Globalization in Question: The International Economy and the Possibilities of Governance,
(Polity).
23
See, for example, Malcolm A, 2008, Civic and Ethnic Nationalism, (Irish Studies Program, Vol 28, Issue 1).
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Bibliography
Anderson B, 1993, Imagined Communities, (Verso)
Appadurai A, 1996, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (University of Minnesota Press)
Baker S, 2006, Ancient Rome: The Rise and Fall of an Empire, (BBC Books)
Barkawi T, 2006, Globalization and War (Rowman and Littlefield)
Buruma I & Margalit A, 2005, Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies, (Penguin)
Darby P, 2004, Pursuing the Political: A Postcolonial Rethinking of Relations International, (Millennium Vol 33, No
1)
Escobar A, 1994, Encountering Development: the Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton UP)
Fox R L, 2008, The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian, (Basic Books)
GeoHive, http://www.xist.org/
Gilroy P, 1993, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Harvard UP)
13

Student ID: 12401266 February 2009
Hirst P & Thompson G, 2000, Globalization in Question: The International Economy and the Possibilities of
Governance, (Polity)
Hochschild A, 1999, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa, (Mariner)
Keohane R, 1984, After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton UP)
Krishna S, 2001, Race, Amnesia and the Education of International Relations, (Alternatives 26)
Malcolm A, 2008, Civic and Ethnic Nationalism, (Irish Studies Program, Vol 28, Issue 1)
Marshal P J (Ed), 2001, The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, (Cambridge UP)
Nash K, 1999, Contemporary Political Sociology: Globalization, Politics and Power (Wiley Blackwell)
Newby, L J, 2005, The Empire and the Khanate: A Political History of Qing Relations with Khoqand c. 1760 – 1860,
(Brill)
Said E, 1979, Orientalism, (Vintage)
Shaw M, 2000, Theory of the Global State: Globality as Unfinished Revolution (Cambridge UP)
Tomlinson J, 2004, Globalization and Culture (Polity)
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