Mark Lilla wrote this book for the heirs of what he calls the Great Separation: the modern West's attempt to distinguish religious questions from political ones once and for all. This is the West's most ambitious political experiment. The trouble, according to Lilla, is that we in the West have forgotten that it is indeed an experiment, that in trying to think through political questions atheologically, the West is the historical exception rather than the rule. Because of this forgetfulness, "we find it incomprehensible that theological ideas still inflame the minds of men, stirring up messianic passions that leave societies in ruin. We assumed that this was no longer possible.... We were wrong" (3).
So Lilla sets out to remind us of the long, prestigious, and powerful legacy of political theology in the West. He marches quickly through the rise of Christianity (and its "accidental" acquisition of an Empire) up to the first attempt at the Great Separation by Thomas Hobbes (chs. 1 and 2), then more slowly through a few major thinkers who wrestled with the consequences of that attempt: Locke and Hume (ch. 3), Rousseau and Kant (ch. 4), Hegel (ch. 5), the 19th century liberal Protestants and Jews (ch. 6), and finally the re-emergence of both Christian and Jewish political theology in, above all, Karl Barth and Franz Rosenzweig (ch. 7). In the beginning, Hobbes intended to disavow religion entirely, seeing it as merely an expression of humanity's incessant fearfulness, inevitably leading to violence. But religion gradually regained a foothold in political thought, first in the negative form of "freedom of conscience" and later in the more positive form of an "enlightened" religiosity. After Rousseau, who wrote in Émile about the need for religion (shorn, of course, of any particularistic dogmatism) to encourage the natural expansiveness of the human soul, appeals to the positive social contribution of religion, especially Protestant religion, became much more common.
This renewed (though severely qualified) approval of religion emboldened 19th-century liberal Protestants and Jews in Germany to reassert their religion's politico-cultural significance, while cautiously avoiding any serious social critique. The fatal consequence of this sideways-step back toward political theology, says Lilla, was to have "left the faint odor of revelation hanging over its celebration of modern political and cultural life, implying it had been divinely blessed" (249). Once that social order began to crumble after the First World War, therefore, the condemnation of its "stillborn God" was basically fated also to take religious form. In the overtly theopolitical rhetoric of Franz Rosenzweig and Karl Barth, sharply critical of the liberal attempts to accommodate themselves to late modern German society, it suddenly and disastrously appeared possible once again to urge political decisions on the basis of some perceived revelation. An intensely apocalyptic fervor had been reawakened. Political theology had been reborn. And though neither Barth nor Rosenzweig would ever have countenanced the atrocities of the Nazi regime, their political theological ambitions, on Lilla's telling, only encouraged "a new and noxious form of political argument, which was the theological celebration of modern tyranny" (278).
All this, in brief, is the powerful and terrible intellectual legacy of which Lilla sets out to remind us, lest we lose sight of the immense fragility of the West's grand experiment. We must not take the separation of religion and politics for granted. We must not forget the captivating power of political theology.
Although this book falls victim to the oversimplification characteristic of most all popular histories of ideas, and readers more knowledgeable about a particular figure will find plenty to quibble about (especially, I think, on the theological figures), even Lilla's mistakes can be instructive. He writes with unrivaled interpretive and analytical clarity, all the more impressive given the complexity of the figures he discusses. less
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