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Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families
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Causative factors for dropout among middle class muslim families

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In this document causative factors are discussed for dropout of students from middle class Muslim families from Kothawa village in surat district, GUJARAT. It is social research (Academic Research) …

In this document causative factors are discussed for dropout of students from middle class Muslim families from Kothawa village in surat district, GUJARAT. It is social research (Academic Research) done as a part of Master of Social Work in Veer Narmad South Gujarat University (VNSGU), Surat

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  • 1. CAUSATIVE FACTORS FOR DROPOUT AMONG MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM FAMILIES: A STUDY FROM KOTHAWA. A Dissertation Submitted To MSW Programme, Dept. of Sociology, Veer Narmad South Gujarat University, Surat In partial fulfillment of the requirement For the degree of Master of Social Work Research Guide: Researcher: Ms. Rekha Mistry Shaikh Mo. Arifalam Mo. S Assistant Professor, Master of Social Work, Dept of sociology,V.N.S.G.U., Surat 2009 - 2011 1
  • 2. A Study of CAUSATIVE FACTORS FOR DROPOUT AMONG MIDDLE CLASS MUSLIM FAMILIES: A STUDY FROM KOTHAWA. Submitted To: Veer Narmad South Gujarat University As the fulfillment of Master of Social Work Submitted By: Shaikh Mohammad Arifalam Mohammad Sultan MSW Programme, Department of Sociology Veer Narmad South Gujarat University, Surat – 395 007 Gujarat 2
  • 3. Declaration I declare that the Dissertation entitled “Causative factors for dropout among middle class Muslim families: A study from kothawa “is a record of independent research work carried out by me under the supervision and guidance of Ms.Rekha Mistry. This work has not been submitted to any other University/Institution for any Degree/Diploma. Student: (Shaikh Mohammad Arifalam Mohammad Sultan) Research Guide: Head: Ms.Rekha Mistry Dr. Parvez Abbasi Assistant Professor, Professor & Head Master of Social Work, Dept. of Sociology, Dept. of sociology. V.N.S.G.U., Surat V.N.S.G.U., Surat 3
  • 4. Acknowledgement My first and most heartily gratitude goes to the almighty ALLAH who blesses to all for his divine throughout my life, this MSW programme and this dissertation. At this juncture, when I am submitting my dissertation, I honestly feel that this report of study would not have been possible without the support guidance, critique and direction of those who are associated with my academic and personal life. Foremost I would extend my respect and gratitude to Dr. Parvez Abbasi, HOD of Department of Sociology, Veer Narmad South Guharat University, Suarat, whose advises are very helpful for my dissertation and his concern for the students has always made me perform better confidentiality and Coordinator of the MSW Programme Mr. BahadurShinh Vasava for his valuable advice and co-operation during the dissertation. I acknowledge my deep indebtedness to my research guide Ms. Rekha Mistry who despite of her busy schedule spare time for me and guided my throughout my studying and my dear respected guide helped me at the time of any difficulty. And other faculty, Mr. Shital Tamakuwala for her constant motivation and guidance which kept encourages me. And my special thanks for our field-Coordinator Ms. Rujal Bhatt for her precious support and help during dissertation. Then I deeply thanks to all my classmate friends and hostel friends whom unforgettable support and motivation and I specially thanks to Gosai Piyush, Gamit Piyush, Fulwadiya Fyaz, Gohil Ruchi and juniors like Gmit Hitesh and Vasoya Payal for their valuable support which I never forget, thanks to all my friends. Last but not the least I thank to all my respondents without them this study can’t be possible and my I thank to all my family members for their support, motivation, courage for the study. Shaikh Mo. Arifalam Mo. S. 4
  • 5. Index Sr.No Topic Page no I * Acknowledgment III-IV * List of Tables & Charts 1 Introduction 1-33 2 Review of literature 34-65 3 Data Analysis & Interpretation 66-98 4 Major Findings 99-102 5 Conclusion & suggestions 103-104 6 Bibliography 7 Appendix 105 106-111 5
  • 6. LIST OF TABLES AND GRAPHS 6
  • 7. LIST OF TABLES AND CHART Table no Content Page no 1 Family 66 2 Occupation 67 3 Income 68 4 Family Income 69 5 Children are getting education 70 6 No. of children dropped education in the family 71 7 Gender of children who dropped education 72 8 No. of male child drop out in the family 73 9 No. of female child drop out in the family 74 10 Drop out after the standards 75 11 Past scholastic performance 76 12 Personal reasons for leaving school 77 13 Economic Reasons for leaving school 78 14 School related reasons for leaving school 79 15 Social reasons for leaving school 80 16 Religious reasons for leaving school 81 7
  • 8. 17 Child’s activity after dropping out the education 82 18 Type of job 83 19 Wish to go to school 84 20 If yes, then efforts for it 85 21 Advantage of education 86 22 Higher education- a better position in the society 87 23 Impact of higher education on child’s mind 88 24 Type of effects 89 25 Higher education- less religiousness 90 26 Education - change in life 91 27 Types of changes in the life 92 28 Provided vocational education to the child 93 29 Perception about providing vocational education 94 30 Preference to the type of education 95 31 Education - provided to girls 96 32 If yes, then the level of education 97 33 Educated girls - permission to do job 98 8
  • 9. INTRODUCTION 9
  • 10. Introduction The Problem The basic objective of India’s development, according to the Planning Commission, is to provide masses of the Indian people with opportunities to lead a good life. Since nearly 80 per cent people live in the rural areas. But when India became a free country, the immediate problem that the Government had to face is the curse of poverty with all its available resources. Further, since the society had vertical groupings, some commanding everything in life and some practically nothing in life, it became the duty of the State to remove this hierarchically inequalities. The Constitution of India provides for such a situation under the Directive Principles of State Policy as follows. “The State shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may, a social order in which justice, social, economic and political shall inform all the institutions of national life”. The economic approach claimed priority in poor nations for aiming to increase the ability of the marginalized to buy food, clothing and shelter. The role of education in facilitating social and economic progress is well accepted today. The ability of a nation’s population to learn and perform in an environment where scientific and technological knowledge is changing rapidly is critical for its growth. While the importance of human capital and its augmentation for a nation’s development cannot be under-emphasized, its micro-economic consequences also need to be acknowledged. Improvements in the functional and analytical ability of children and youth through education open up opportunities leading to both individual and group entitlements. Improvements in education are not only expected to enhance efficiency (and therefore earnings) but also augment democratic participation, upgrade health and quality of life. At the time of adopting the Constitution the Indian state had committed itself to provide elementary education under Article 45 of the Directive Principles of State policy. Article 45 stated that “The State shall endeavor to provide within a period of ten years from the commencement of this Constitution, for free and compulsory education for all children until they complete the age of fourteen years.” In 1993, in a landmark judgment, the Supreme Court ruled that the right to education is a fundamental right flowing from the Right to Life in Article 21 of 10
  • 11. the Constitution. Subsequently in 2002 education as a fundamental right was endorsed through the 86th amendment to the Constitution. Article 21-A states that “The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age six to fourteen years in such a way as the State may, by law, determine.” The 86th Amendment also modified Article 45 which now reads as “The state shall endeavor to provide early childhood care and education for all children until they complete the age of 6 years”. However, despite this commitment the number of children in this age group who have remained out of school is alarmingly large. “The State shall provide free and Compulsory education to all children of the age six to fourteen years... ” (Art. 21 A) The successive governments have vacillated on enacting the Right to Education Bill despite the fact that Article 21-A makes it the responsibility of the State to provide free and compulsory education to every child. Since education is a concurrent subject, both the State and Central governments are responsible for it. By not passing the required legislation for Right to Education, the Central governments have abdicated their responsibility. As a consequence the educational conditions of the children of India remain precarious. The education of Muslims in India it shows that Muslims are at a double disadvantage with low levels of education combined with low quality education; their deprivation increases manifold as the level of education rises. In some instances the relative share for Muslims is lower than even the SCs who are victims of a long standing caste system. Such relative deprivation calls for a significant policy shift, in the recognition of the problem and in devising corrective measures, as well as in the allocation of resources. Here focuses on the differentials in levels of educational achievement amongst India’s Socio-religious Communities (SRCs). The availability of Census data on educational attainments by religion for the first time since Independence has enabled the Committee to examine the temporal trends in educational attainments. Human Development Survey, 2004-05 provides provisional estimates NSSO data (2004-05). These figures were compared with the 55th round (1999-00) to examine the trend in attendance rates overtime. It can be seen that there has been a significance increase in the current enrolment and attendance rates for all communities. The increase has been the highest among ST/SCs 11
  • 12. (95%), followed by Muslims (65%). In 1999-00 Muslims had the lowest enrolment rate among all communities, except SCs/STs and this and this rate was 78% of the average enrolment rate for the population as whole. In 2004-05 the Muslim enrolment rate was slightly higher than that of the OBCs but was somewhat lower the average enrolment rate. A State-wise analysis reveals reasonably high enrolment rates amongst Muslim children in most states. In Kerala, Karnataka, Delhi, Maharastra, and some other states. The enrolment rates among Muslims are higher than the State average. On the other hand, in states like Utter Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar and Uttranchal enrolment rates are very low (below 70% of the State average). In fact, in Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand and Andra Pradesh enrolment rates for Muslims children are lower than all others. The NCAER estimates of current enrolment rates are lower than the NSSO estimates. The deference between the Muslims (74%) and the remaining population (83%) in much sharper. Development aims at not only increased income, but also change in the institutional structures. Many think that development consists of mostly material items. But there are others who include social and the non-material dynamics as well. If development objectives are to be executed successfully with efficiency and effectiveness there should be a planned approach. It is for this reason that the Government of India set up the Planning Commission. About six decades ago the First Five Year Plan was inaugurated. Since the socio-economic development of the rural areas is of crucial significance in the framework of integrated group and social justice, the Community development was a comprehensive self-help movement which embraced multi-phased development. After some years of experience, it was found that Community Development had failed in its goal because of certain inherent defect and therefore, Rural Development programmes were started. And again, Rural Development programmes are replaced by Integrated Rural Development Programmes (IRDP). Conceptually, Integrated Rural Development means multi-phased development of rural economy by exploiting to the optimum local resources in men, material, land and water. It includes agriculture, cottage and small industries, health and family welfare, education and social welfare, etc. Though the term economic development has been used for a long time, whenever the issue of development is taken up in India, social elements have always been included in the concept of development. Thus in Indian situation development includes economic aspects and social aspects. India’s plans were drawn up within the frame of political change. Together democracy, 12
  • 13. economic development and social change. Together, these pointed to three closely related objectives: (1) the pursuit of welfare; (2) the search for equality; and (3) the desire for more even distribution of economic power. The importance of education for rural development was also stressed. Two aspects of education are central to economic development; general education for the masses of the people and training for specific vocations and professions. Today India is the second biggest market in the world and also one of the fastest developing countries but if India has to make full fast development, the biggest for it is the education, through education backward communities also get developed too fast. The education helps not only in economical life but in social, cultural and healthy life also. It is thus clear that the main purpose of India’s rural development programmes is to bring about radical changes in the socio-economic conditions of the people. Further, it is also evident that the main emphasis is on removal of inequalities and promotes integration among different sections of the population. Of the several sections of the rural population, Muslims constitute one important segment. Muslims in Indian States The conditions of Muslims in the princely State of Mysore have not been either studied or reported anywhere. Thus it is a real problem to assess the changes in conditions of the Muslims during the post-independence period. However, the census reports provide certain evidences on the demographic and literacy position of the Muslims. Economic status of the Muslims is conspicuously absent all along. A brief review of data available from the Census Report is presented here. The demographical position of the Muslims in the Indian polity ensures a significant role to be played by them. To-day they constitute 11.21 per cent of the population of the country. They are spread throughout the length and breadth of the country. In some States they constitute a formidable size of population. In Laccadive and Minicoy islands they form 94% of the total population. Jammu and Kashmir has 66 per cent. In Assam we find 24 per cent. Twenty per cent population of Kerala and West Bengal consists of Muslims. In the India nearly 13,81,88,240 of the total population are Muslims. Further 8,87,94,744 of the rural population and 4,93,93,496 of the urban population consists of Muslims (Census 2001). 13
  • 14. Middle Class Family The 'middle class' is an over-used expression and difficult to pin down, since it is defined not just in terms of income, but also as values, cultural affinities, lifestyles, educational attainments and service sector employment. Using income, one way of defining middle class is in terms of how much of income is left over for discretionary expenditure, after paying for food and shelter. If more than one-third is left, that qualifies one for inclusion in the 'middle class'. The middle class of India is for whom most of the advertising is targeted. The middle class Indian normally lives in a fixed income. He has to manage his finance in a rigid budget. He wife selects reasonably good furnishings and uses modern cooking gadgets. He usually has a two-wheeler of this own. He aspires for the well-to-do lifestyle he sees on TV. So his purchases are generally materialistic in nature. Because of this he likes to make large purchases and pay for though the different credit facilities that are made available to him by the banks and other financial institutions. Present Education Scenario in India Today in India the ambition of Middle Class and Poor students to undergo Higher and Technical education is becoming a dream due to the huge amount of fees charged by the money minded Private Colleges. Postgraduate Courses are mostly self financed and the fee per year for MBA, MCA, M. Sc courses is more than Rs.20, 000/- per semester depending upon the state and reputation of the College. So for two year M. Sc courses a student has to spend minimum Rs.50, 000/- for tuition fees besides the huge Hostel fees and this are out of reach to Middle Class/Lower Middle Class Muslim students. Even for Prospectus of MBA and MCA courses the private colleges are charging Rs.350/- to Rs.1000/- depending upon the institute. If a Middle Class student has to apply for more than one course means he has to face financial problems. In a country where majority of people are groaning under the weight of poverty, hunger and increasing prices how the middle class Indian people will pay huge amounts for higher and Technical education. In the Krishna district and neighbour Guntur, West Godavari Districts (In Andhra Pradesh) there are considerable Muslim Population. If one observes closely they will find the number of people 14
  • 15. going for Technical, Higher education is very less because of their financial problems and large families. Most of the Muslim students are stopping their education after Middle School and settling in self employment schemes like Motor Cycle repairing, Welding, Tailoring etc. We wanted to help this neglected people by helping to study Higher and Technical education. Definition of Dropout: Gaustad (1991) reports that the definition of a dropout varies widely, with different states, districts, and even schools within districts using the term differently. For example, some districts may not include students who drop out over the summer, or who leave school to get married, while others do include them in the dropout total. In addition, some districts may keep more complete records than others. For example, some districts follow up on students who do not return after the summer to determine whether or not they are enrolled in other schools, while other districts do not. Other variations may include whether or not certain types of nontraditional students (i.e., those who leave regular high school before graduation to enter correctional institutions, enroll in GED programs, or enter college) are counted as dropouts until they have completed an equivalency program (McMillen et. al., 1994). Dropout rates are about the same for males and females, but the rates are not the same for students from different ethnic groups or different income levels. In general, rates are higher for minority students and students from disadvantaged backgrounds. (1993) • Social and Economic Situation of Muslim Minority : At least 58 of every 100 students who enrolled in schools in Gujarat failed to make it to high school in 2008-09 – that represents the 16th highest dropout rate in the country. This data was released in the Rajya Sabha in reply to a question by Avtarsingh Karimpuri, an MP from Uttar Pradesh. Among 29 states and six union territories, Gujarat’s dropout rate of students between class X ranked 16, at 58.84%, which was higher than the national dropout rate of 55.88% in 2008-09. Among progressive states, Gujarat fared the worst. Of Gujarat’s girls, 62.25% dropped out and 56.24% was the figure for the boys. Sikkim had the highest dropout rate at 82.26% followed by 15
  • 16. Bihar at 81.5%. However, Gujarat’s dropout rate has shown a tad improvement since 2005-06, when 60.27% students had dropped out before high school. This was the year when the government launched the kanya kelavni campaign to improve girls’ enrolment in schools. Sources in the education department said that most girls studied to class VII, and began dropping out only between class IX and class X. The data shows that from classes I-VIII, 46.36% boys dropped out and 40.75% girls dropped out. Education officials say the reason for quitting school was financial constraints followed by the lack of will of parents to make their children finish school. Principal Secretary, education, Hasmukh Adhia, said: “Gujarat is taking steps to stop dropping out. The secondary school enrolment ratio is 61%. We are trying to overcome this and improve. The government has already started 250 schools in rural areas so that more students complete secondary schooling.” Gujarat government has launched vidyalaxmi bond and insurance schemes like vidyadeep to aid children and support families which education their children (The Times of India-20/4/2011). In Andhra Pradesh State Government has accorded 5% reservation for Muslim Minority in Education and in employment in the month of July 2005 which was quashed by Honourable High Court of Andhra Pradesh (twice). At the time of implementing reservation to Muslim Minority in Backward Classes “E” Group, Government has issued press release where in the following points are worth mentioning. 1. The population of Muslim Minority according to 1991 Census is 11 Percent. 2. The study revealed that 65 percent of Muslims are living below the poverty line (i.e., whose income is below Rs.1000/- per month) 3. The literacy rate among Muslim Minority is 18%. 4. The lowest literacy rate is observed among Muslim women and is only 8%. 5. The study revealed that most of the Muslims are engaged in pretty businesses such as running Pan Shops, fruits and flowers besides working as labourers. 6. It is pertinent to make a mention that the percentage of Muslim Minority undergoing Higher Education such as MBA, MCA, and M. Sc courses is only 0.5% which is disproportionate to their population. 7. India though a Non-Islamic Country has large number of Muslim Minority. According to 2001 Census (data collected before the year 2000), the population of Muslim Minority are 16
  • 17. 13,81,88,240 and it clearly tells about the need for proper care about the growing Muslim Minority in India. 8. The Muslim Minority population is growing at a rate of 34%. * Justice Rajindar Sachar Committee Report: The said report was tabled before Honourable Parliament of India on 30th November, 2006. The report clearly stated the necessity to uplift the downtrodden Muslim Minority in India. The report clearly states the lowest percentage of Muslim Minority in the important places in Government employment. 1. The percentage of Muslim Minority in Government employment is only 4.9% which is very less when compared with present population of 150 million Muslim Minority in India. 2. The percentage of Muslims in Security sector i.e., Police, Military, Air Force etc., is only 3.2 which is very low. 3. The percentage of Graduates is only 3.6% which is very low when compared with other communities where as this percentage is very less in Andhra Pradesh State. 4. 25% of the Muslim Children in the age 6-14 years age group has either never attended School or has dropped out. 5. The percentage of Muslim Minority in Engineering Education and in Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (Central Government Schools) are very less when compared with other communities. 6. The Sachar Committee also recommended for reservation at par with Scheduled Castes for the Muslim Groups known as Arzals who are mostly working as butchers, washer man, barbers and Scavengers. 7. The report also stressed the need for infrastructure, health care facilities, and pucca roads for the areas where Muslims are living because most of the Muslims are living in slum areas. 8. The Report clearly recommended reducing the wide gap between Muslims and other communities. *The Sachar Committee’s Views: Education is the only way to increase the living standards of our Muslim Community and also education will equip with the skills to earn one’s livelihood. 17
  • 18. • The very purpose of education is to enhance the quality of life and life management systems. Also to increase the literacy the Muslim youth will not fall in the hands of the fundamentalists. 1. Education among Muslim women is very less. If mother is properly educated, she will guide her children in their career. 2. The Muslim Minority are discontinuing their studies mostly after Middle School and settling in self employment schemes like Tailoring, Motor Cycle Repairing, Welding shops etc. This is mainly because of their inability to pay for education. 3. The number of Muslim Minority Higher Educational Colleges to take of the poverty sicken Muslim Minority are very few in number. There are good numbers of Engineering Colleges opened for Muslim Minority throughout the country but they cannot help the Muslim Minority because in these colleges, they can provide Seats to Muslim Minority but the fee is similar to that in Private Unaided Colleges and is Rs.25000 or more depending upon the State Government. 4. If anybody can kindly help the Society, the committee will be able to obtain government aid for payment of staff salaries of the Proposed Muslim Minority College so that the fee will be very less and nominal. 5. Muslim Minority Colleges run on non-profit basis to take of the growing Muslim community in India. 6. There are only two Universities to take care of the Muslim Minority in India. They are Aligarh Muslim University and Jamia Millia Islamic. But for Christian Minority, good numbers of Deemed Universities have been established by Christian Missionaries – Satya Bhama University, Allahabad Agricultural University etc. (more than eight Deemed Universities – self financed by the Missionaries). The Sachar Committee’s Commitment to help Muslim Students: The Proposed College will be a Non Profit making Institution. The proposed fees are much below the fees charged by even Government aided Colleges. 18
  • 19. • It is our Prime Objective to run the Institution on totally virtuous highly disciplined lines without giving scope for any evil practices or habits maintaining silence during study hours and highly appreciable elegancies and manners with pleasant and congenial Climate. • 24 hours Laboratory and Library facilities will be provided. • Besides giving good coaching we will concentrate on building good character in students who are future citizens of India. • Unlike other Higher Education colleges, we will introduce Dress Code in our College in order to promote the sense of belongingness and equality. Educational development: perception, problems and motivation In the earlier chapter on “Educational Status”, the responses of the Muslims have been examined and the results indicate that the progress is very poor. Educational development is dependent on many socio-cultural factors, besides economic conditions, values, attitudes, motivation, etc., have profound influences over the participants. Similarly, certain problems inherent in the system of education or the participants themselves curb advancement. A brief analysis of these issues is presented here. Secular and theological education: Human development is the product of social life. Social interactions bring about tremendous changes in the behavioural aspects of people. Muslims live in a country where there is cultural pluralism. They have to adjust their social life both in accordance with the principles of their own religion and the norms and values of the broader Indian Society. This requires, therefore, both secular and religious education. The views of the respondents on these issues are discussed here. Secular Education It is further observed form the table that while 46 percent respondents desire education not more than upper primary for girls, only 24 percent desire this level for boys. Though about one-fourth of the respondents desired high school education, there is not much difference in their opinion about the need for boys and girls. But so far as college education is concerned, the difference in the parents desire is too wide. While just 26 percent respondents want college education for girls, 50 percent desire it for boys. 19
  • 20. The information obtained on theological education is significantly different. Though almost all the respondents want theological education for boys and girls their desire is confined to basic level only. Those who desire proficiency in theological education are almost negligible. It is interesting to understand the basic philosophy behind the desire for certain levels of secular and theological education. The respondents are fully aware of the importance of Muslim development. It is not just a question of importance or significance of one at the cost of the other. To the majority of them the basic understanding of the Muslim way of life is that a Muslim has to lead a comfortable life in this world and prepare himself for a comfortable life in the other world. While secular education prepares him to meet the routine requirements of a mortal, theological education acts as an agent of social control over the affairs of the individual. The fear was that certain activities of Muslims would be detrimental not only to the society as a whole but also to the Muslims themselves. Theological education helps a man with secular education to adjust himself to the realities of the society and conduct himself in the best interest of all. As already pointed out, there is hardly any difference on the levels of theological education for boys and girls. But what is more significant about theological education is that, as already pointed out there is hardly any desire for proficiency standard. When further probed into the respondents could offer a very highly acceptable explanation. According to them, proficiency in theological education is not needed and is not possible in the case of all Muslims. This level is required for those who enter certain specialized areas of Islamic activities like Priesthood. But basic knowledge should be possessed by every Muslim, male or female as this would help Muslims lead a good life in the Muslims society and also a good life in the national policy. Perception of the need for education Perception of the need for or importance of education is the initiator of interest in education. The participant should have a clear vision of the outcome of education. It is only when they are convinced; it is possible to kindle interest among them. This is perhaps the situation with all backward classes. The position of the Muslims in relation to primary education as well as higher education is discussed here. Primary education: From the earlier discussion it becomes patently clear that most of the literates among the muslins have not crossed upper primary level. Even this it is no small achievement. What makes the parents provide even this much of education to their children? It is not anyway because of 20
  • 21. compulsory education that the parents send their children .The reasons given for primary education are indicated in table 5.6. There are nine reasons assigned. These are: jobs, security, matrimonial alliances, letter writing, reading story books, reading religious books, ensuring family interest, help in domestic work and good behavior. While all these reasons are assigned to boys and girls, the intensity of the assignment varies between boys and girls. As it is evident from the table, in respect of the boys, primary education is needed mostly for good behavior (79%) and rendering assistance in work (75%). This is closely followed by letter writing and reading story books (59%). But the reasons given in the case of girls’ primary education are different. For instance, in the case of girls, the most important reason is security (79%), followed by matrimonial alliances (69%) reading religious books (68%) securing jobs(63%), family interest(60%). Letter writing and reading stories also accounts for nearly 50 percent. The main difference between boys and girls are that while in the case of primary education for boys, good behavior and assistance in work are the most important reasons, in the case of the girls, security in life and matrimonial alliance together with reading religious book are the most important reasons. Higher Education: The responses of the Muslim males and female to higher education have already been described. This dismal position has been there consistently during the last three generations. This warrants further explanation as to why the Muslims are not responding to higher education and further, if they have a desire for higher education, why they want higher education? The latter issue is taken up first. These are seven reasons assigned by the respondents which motivate them to send their children for higher education. These are: jobs, knowledge, status, security, good matrimonial alliance, adjustment in life and progress of the family. While all these reasons are applicable to the male children as well as to the female children, these are a significant variation in the opinion of the respondents for higher education to boys and girls. So far as male children are concerned a vast majority of them feel that higher education would provide opportunities in employment market (87%). They feel that if the boys are graduates or double graduates, they would secure jobs in Government offices and factories. The next important reason is that higher education would ensure progress of the family (57.9%). Their 21
  • 22. thinking is that when boys are educated, they would be in a position to bring progress and prosperity to the whole family. The third reason is that higher education would enable their children acquire knowledge. The other reasons assigned for boys are status (34%), security (33%), better chances of getting girls from good families (29%) and adjustment in life (29%). So far as girls are concerned, the most important reason is knowledge (87%). The respondents feel that higher education would provide all round knowledge for development. Closely followed by this is higher education for security (86%). The main explanation offered by them is that if the girls have to face an unforeseen calamity in life, particularly after marriage, they would be exposed to many problems in life mostly connected with maintenance. If the girls are educated, they can stand on their own legs and face the challenges in life. Prospects of better matrimonial alliance account for 73%. It is the thinking of the respondents that educated girls would get better husbands. Forty nine % feel that higher education would make the girls prepare themselves for any type of adjustment in life. The other reasons assigned are: progress of the family (43%), status(34%), and job(29%). A Comparative analysis of the reasons given for higher education for boys and girls shows a few fundamental differences. While securing jobs gets the first place so far as the male children are concerned, it accounts for the least in the case of female children, though knowledge is an important reason for boys and girls, it is knowledge that is given the most important reason for girls’ education. Similarly, while higher education for security and good matrimonial alliances finds the second and third place in the case of girls, not much importance is given in the case of boys. Similarly, adjustment for girls than for boys. Further, progress of the family is more important for the male children than for the female children. Actual responses The second aspect of this question of higher education concerns the actual responses. We have known that the actual responses are very poor. And thus there is a conflict of values, a conflict between precept and practice. The respondents’ attention was drawn to this conflict and their explanation was sought. Three important reasons were assigned by the respondents for this conflicting situation. There are: (1) Higher education is a costly enterprise. With limited income, it is just impossible for the parents to think of higher education for all the children. They have to make some sort of adjustment in their family budget if they were keen on higher education for children. In this process, preference is generally given to the boys; (2) though higher education 22
  • 23. for girls is sometimes accepted as a very important instrument for development, Muslims are generally traditional and therefore, they would not like to send their daughters to centers of higher education where co-education prevails. Co-education seems to be a social taboo. Separate higher educational institution for girls are generally not available in or near about places. Parents are generally reluctant to send their daughters to Hostels or relative in cities; (3) the third reason is a very important one. If higher education is a passport for jobs, and if educated Muslims do not get jobs commensurate with the qualifications, then there is thorough disappointment and disillusionment. Quite a few cases were brought to the notice of the author. A few graduates who could not get jobs were assisting their fathers in their petty shops. The grouse of the fathers was that even after spending a few thousands of rupees on the boy’s education there was nothing they could get by way of returns. Reasons Reasons for choosing medium of instruction were probed into. The major reasons given by the respondents are: (1) at the primary school levels, particularly at the upper primary level, Urdu, the mother tongue of the students, is the ideal choice as the children would understand better. For girls, Urdu medium is more feasible and practicable (2) Kannada medium is taken on two grounds namely (a) Urdu schools are not located or even if located, these schools body managed and (b) Kannada being the language of the state would help children in course of time.(3)English medium schools are generally not found in villages. Even in towns, they are generally not found. Even if they are located, cost of education prohibits a large number. At the high school level English medium is preferred because of the fact that (1) Urdu medium high school are not located in many villages. Anyway, when the children have to go to high school, the choice is between Kannada medium and English medium. And in this process, they prefer English medium as it is considered to be more useful later on. At the college level English medium is the normal medium and therefore these people have to take English medium. (Mumtaz Ali Khan, 1984) Habits connected with learning Besides formal education, informal education and non-formal education also influences the development of people. Quite often these in-formal educational mechanisms assume the form of 23
  • 24. habits. Newspapers, magazines, books, radio and movies are the five habits connected with learning, as ascertained from the respondents. It is gathered that most of the adult males do not use any of these media of learning as habits. Even those who listen to radios or see movies, though constitute a large number here a very insignificant number listen to radios or see movies with the intention of learning for development. Even those who read newspaper and magazines, though the number is limited, hardily take them as mechanisms for equisition of knowledge. Reading books is the least that a very negligible number of adult females read newspapers when compared to the adult males read books. Another significant difference is that even though more adult females than adult males listen to radio and see movies, adult females have hardly anything to learn from radio and movies for development. So far as children are concerned, we find a large number of male and female children listening to the radio and seeing the movies. But what is said about the adult males and females about radio movies as mechanisms for learning is also true in the case of the male and female children. Reading news-papers, magazines and books is the least that the boys and girls can do. Motivation Motivation plays a vital role in promoting participation of the backward classes of people in educational programmes. Their value system and attitudes are so structured that their poor participation is credited to the biological nature as such. If these people have to be awakened, they have to be motivated. Mere legislation and verbal pronouncements will not help the cause of the poor and the ignorant. What is generally felt desirable to enable liberal participation of children is the structure of motivational factors. This motivational issue was discussed with the Muslims respondents. Barring a small number, all the remaining participated in a dialogue on motivational factors. The four major motivations that world help the parents are: (1)Financial assistance: Financial assistance on a liberal scale so that children are not kept out of schools for want of finances for education. (2)Opening of good schools: Good schools, according to the parents, included good buildings and good teachers. They were very particular about the latter. In fact, quite a few Muslims were highly critical of the Muslim teachers who had generally poor qualities as teachers. 24
  • 25. (3)Separate schools for girls: The respondents were very particular that girls’ education suffers beyond lower primary standard as the parents become reluctant to send the grown up girls to schools where boys also study. Such a measure would assume at least upper primary standard in the case of girls. (4)Liberal assistance from the government: The respondents were generally unhappy with the facilities provided by the state for advancement of education among the Muslims but when their attention was drawn to enable participation of the poorer sections of the society in educational programmes, a vast majority of them were unaware of the special measures. Some of them were able to mention the facilities provided to the scheduled castes. Some of them had developed a feeling that the government had deliberately let them down. The government is worse them the step-mother according to some. However, 14% of them had received some benefits from the state. These benefits are; (1) Free supply of books, (2) Scholarship, and (3) Free ships. If these schemes are extended on a liberal scale as done in the case of the scheduled castes, it is felt that the Muslim participation would be much better. Another important motivational factor for participating in higher education is job assurance. many Muslims feel that this is the most effective motivation. Otherwise, disappointment and frustration among the other Muslims who may not be willing to send their children for higher education. Other factors involved in educational development Besides the various motivational factors suggested for promoting education among the Muslims, three other factors were also brought to light during discussions. These are: private tuition, parents’ participation in school function and social organizations. The cumulative effects of all these factors are likely to improve Muslims participation in education both quantitatively and qualitatively. Private tuitions: Muslims children, as is true perhaps in the case of other backward class children are generally poor in school performances. This is because of the parental background or because of the particular socio-economic system which is not conducive to the cause of the Muslims. Such children require additional coaching it is gathered from the respondents that the need for private 25
  • 26. tuition was realized by a little more than 50% parents. These are the people who were interested in pulling up their children. Private tuition is provided in three places, namely teachers’ houses (81%), students’ house and any other place mutually convenient. It was further learnt that private tuition in a teachers’ house had certain advantages both for the parents and the teachers. If the child goes to the teacher’s house, the tuition fee charged will be less because more children are there. If on the other hand the teacher has to go to the students’ house, the tuition fee will be more and secondly, the problem of separate room arises. Anyway, this latter practice is mostly confined to the well to do Muslims. Private tuition is offered mostly in the evening between six and eight and in the day time during holidays. At the lower primary level, both boys and girls are mixed. But at the later stage of the upper primary and onwards, boys and girls are segregated and further, grown up girls will not be allowed to take private tuition from the male teachers. It was mentioned earlier that there were also people who did not feel the need for private tuition. These people who accounted for 59% furnished five important reasons. These are: (1) Poverty (36%); (2) Self coaching (24%); (3) Bright children (5%); (4) Good teachers (33%) and the remaining could not give any answer. School functions Participation of the parents in school functions speaks of the values of education that they hold. Thirty two % respondents said they would attend some of the school functions either to see the progress of the school or just to see the functions arranged periodically. Of these two advantages in attending school functions, as reported by the respondents, understanding the progress of the school prevails among many people. They feel that if the school progresses better, their children would be in a position to derive better advantages. Social organizations for education Muslim society as it is seen today has become a class-conscious society. Though Islam aims at equality in practice this is generally a myth. the main reason for the bankruptcy of egalitarian type of society is the non-participation of the Muslim intellectuals, the affluent people in taking up the cause of education among the Muslims in general and rural Muslims in particular. Whether the capable Muslims and Muslim organizations take up the cause of spreading education among Muslims is a very important issue in the present context. When the issue was 26
  • 27. raised with the respondents, a very disappointing note was struck. “Who is there to help us, Sir? Who is interested in us?” Only about 14% respondents said that there were some people and organizations helping educational advancement among Muslims. Most of these persons were close relatives who were helping them financially and otherwise. So far as Muslim organizations are concerned, only a small number could say something about them. In fact, until recently there were no Muslim organizations involved in promoting education among Muslims. A few that exist are located in cities and certainly not in rural areas. Further, these Muslim education al institutions did not have their roots in rural areas and the system of education they are interested in does not promote spread of minimum educational standards. They are mostly confined to higher learning or higher education, particularly in the field of science and technology. And thus the rule of Muslim organizations is extremely negligible in educating the illiterate or seems semi literate Muslims masses. This is the outcome of the discussions held with knowledgeable Muslims. (Mumtaz Ali Khan, 1984) Economic developments: Perception, problem and motivations The economic conditions of the Muslims have been discussed in the relevant chapter. From this discussion, it becomes evident that Muslims are by and large subjected to poverty and distress. As seen in the case of educational development, even in matters relating to economic development, problems and motivations become quite relevant. Economic problems Muslims, as perhaps other backward social groups, have quite a few economic problems. The various economic problems that the respondents mentioned are: (1) low income (2) poor housing conditions (3) No savings but loans (4) Credit problem (5) Inadequate work (6) Unemployment land holdings. Who are responsible for the poor economic conditions of these people? The respondents mention five persons or factors responsible for their backwardness. These are: (1)Muslims themselves:The respondents could identify four important factors under this category. These are: (a) self (b) Muslim leaders (c) The Muslim rich people (d) Muslim organization. It is interesting to note that some people held themselves for their backwardness. They could identify reasons which held the 27
  • 28. self responsible for this. Laziness is a major reason. Muslims do not get up quite early in the morning and attend to their work. They taken things easy want to command comforts, take rest. Large size of the family would neutralize whatever increased income is brought to the family. In the case of the low income family, large number of children has made their conditions unbearable. The respondents are conscious of this population pressure on economic conditions of the family. But whether this economic problem has really made them accept family planning is a different issue and therefore, that is not discussed here. (2)Extravagance:Spending above one’s means is said to be one of the reasons for the backwardness of Muslims. Of course, this is perhaps a universal truth. But the respondents were emphatic when they refer to extravagance. They were critical of people spending lavishly when they could affect savings. This type of avoidable expenditure is bound to lead to ruination. Some Muslims said that Islam opposes extravagance in private or public life. But still quite a few people violate the Islamic principle and face problems in life. The continued apathy of Muslims in general for education to their sons and daughters is held responsible for backwardness, according to some people. It is argued that Muslims neglect education when they are poor and also when they are rich. Similarly, in the judgment of some Muslims, lack of religious education is also responsible for backwardness. They feel that if Muslims receive religious education then they will understand the virtues of hard work, honesty and then can lead a better life. (3) Aspiration:Aspiration is a stepping stone as for future prosperity. If aspiration is lacking then the future of the children or even the adult’s is uncertain. Some of them do not look to the future. They do not aspire something better for their children or for themselves, in the years to come. If they have some aspiration to come up in life at least half way they can go. Otherwise, they cannot. Some respondents said that Muslims generally prefer to enjoy whatever is available today, but do not bother about tomorrow. This type of value system curbs their future development. Muslim elite and organizations The elite has a tremendous social responsibility in improving the conditions of their people, this is a duty cast on them by Islam. Self-cantered life is denounced in Islam. Even when one is not financially sound, one can help the backward people in many other ways. But the Muslim 28
  • 29. respondents were highly critical of rich Muslims as well as the Muslim leadership. they could profusely quote a few instances where the Muslim political leaders had approached them for votes and promised many things. But after getting elected they were not to be seen at all. Social organizations have a key role to play in developing the backward people in particular. Often each caste group or religious group will have its own associations. Hopes soar high among the members that these organizations would help them. But if the associations disappoint them, then people’s confidence in the associations is lost. It is in this context that the views of the Muslims were obtained on some of the Muslims organizations. The various organizations known to some of the Muslims (no organization was known to more than 50 percent respondents) are : Baitumal, AL-Ameen society, ahle Hadis, tableeq-e-jamadt, Muslim Lengue, Wakf board and jammat-e-islami.knowlegeable persons appreciated the baitumal’s noble objectives which were in the nature of extending certain services to the needy Muslims. Donations and subscriptions are collected from the rich and middle class Muslims. But the experience of the people is that these Baitumal organizations are generally ineffective and misused, and often defunct. Al-ameen Educational society established in Bangalore city about a decade ago has good impact on the people. It is rated very high and people have enthusiasm in extending any support to it. But this organization is generally confined to higher education the doors of which are generally not accessible to a vast majority of the Muslims who have no interest in giving higher education to their children. The second weakness of this organization, according to some key persons, is that it is generally urban-based and hence rural Muslims are out of its reach. But people hope that in due course the organization may reach the rural areas and the rural Muslims. Muslims who are familiar with Ahle- Hadis and tableeq-e-jamaat say that these organizations are concerned with preaching and propagating Islamic principles and are useful to this extent. But they are generally not helpful to remove the day-to-day economic and social problem of the poor Muslims. Muslim League has lost its traditional hold and popularity. Many consider it to be out dated and a dead horse. And as such it is not useful to the poor Muslims. Its main objective is to enter election scene during every general election and create emotions among the Muslim masses and after the election it becomes almost defunct, though a vast majority of the people are not familiar with its historical role in pressing for partition of the country, somehow people regard it as not condusive to Muslims development. Further, it has no rural base and rural development 29
  • 30. programmes. Jamaat-e-Islami is generally disliked as its ideology is anti-secular. People equate it as a counter part of the R.S.S. It has programmes for development of Muslims faced with economic and education problems. (Mumtaz Ali Khan, 1984) The Problem Statement: Today education is very important for the any community to get development, in the India second the largest community is Muslims, but their contribution in the fast developing country is very slow and minor level of their contribution and its reason is low education level among Muslims. Central Government is also serious about to improve minority’s life for the development. With Muslims, though they have financially support then also they don’t take high education. They sets their mind that Muslims are not going to get any Government service then what are the advantages of getting higher education. Through this mind-set, they make their child uneducated or not enough educated to get the better service in the government sector. And children or adolescents are also not interested in getting the higher education, family and also that child or adolescent is not trying to get/provide school education more than school education they put wattage on sports in that family also supporting. This is the scenario therefore researcher selected this topic for this proposes my objectives of the study are as follows: Objectives of the study: To know the perception of Muslims parents towards education. To assess the causative factors for drop out among middle class Muslim families. 30
  • 31. Descri iptive Ar reas of Un niverse: Surat is a port & met tropolitan ci in the Ind ity dian state of Gujarat and administrative headqua f d arters of the District. As of 2008, Sur and its m o rat metropolitan area had a population o approxim of mately on. est Gujarat and n ninth largest in India. A moat divide the es 4.2 millio It is the second large city in G older par of the city with its na rts y, arrow streets and handso houses, and the new suburbs. s ome wer The city is largely recognized f its textil and diamo busines r for le ond sses. It is also known a the as diamond capital of India. Ninety I y-two perce of the w ent world's diamo onds are cut and polish in t hed urat in has hest rowth Surat. Su is also considered a relatively clean city i India. It h the high GDP gr rates in In at 11.5% as of 2008 ndia % 8. Coordin nates 21.1 17°N 72.83°E / 21.17°N 72.83°ECoo E ordinates: 72.83°E Country Ind State Gu dia ujarat District(s) Surat ne C+5:30) Are ea Time zon IST (UTC Populatio on:4,786,002 January 27th 2011 2on 21.17°N 72 2.83°E / 21.17°N Density: 14,658 /km2 (37,964 /sq mi) q Metro: 6 6,512,000 (5) (2009)) 31
  • 32. Sex ratio: 764/1000 males Literacy: 82.5%% Geography Surat is a port city situated on the banks of the Tapti river (damming of the Tapti caused the original port facilities to close; the nearest port is now in the Hazira area of Surat). The city is located at 21°10′N 72°50′E/ 21.17°N 72.83°E. It has an average elevation of 13 meters. The Surat district is surrounded by Bharuch, Narmada (North), Navsari and Dang (South) districts. To the west is the Gulf of Cambay. The climate is tropical and monsoon rainfall is abundant (about 2,500 mm a year). Surat has grown in area since the early 1900s. The oldest part of the city developed in the area between the train station and the area known as Athwalines. Since the 1990s most of the new development including the most desirable location for the city's burgeoning middle and upper class is the area between the Athwalines and Indian Ocean. Climate Surat has a tropical wet and dry climate, moderated strongly by the Arabian Sea. The summer begins in early March and lasts till June. April is the hottest month, the average temperature being 30 °C. The monsoon begins in late June and the city receives about 800 mm of rain by the end of September, with the average temperature being around 28 °C during those months. October and November see the retreat of the monsoon and a return of high temperatures till late November. Winter starts in December and ends in late February, with average temperatures of around 22 °C, and little rain. Economy Surat is famous for its diamond industry and textile industry, along with silk and chemicals. It is at the heart of India's thriving diamond-polishing industry, which in 2005 cut 92% of the world's diamond pieces and earned India $15 billion in exports.It is a major production centre for synthetic textiles in India. 32
  • 33. Recently the diamond industry has been struck very hard due to the slowdown in the US economy. The exports have fallen sharply and it has affected the entire diamond industry of Surat. Many of the thousands of diamond units in the city have been shut down due to negligible exports. Experts say that this is a black sign for Surat's economy if the slowdown in European and US economy continues. Over 200,000 workers have already been laid off from jobs in the diamond sector. The picture of the textile industry too is not good. The textile industry has been affected harshly due to the global economy slowdown. Surat is known as the textile capital of India, but exports have fallen steeply in past months. Job cuts have been a major issue in recent past in the textile sector too. Demographics The population of Surat according to new city limits is 42,74,429. Males constitute 56% of the population and females 44%. Surat has an average literacy rate of 83%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 81%, and female literacy is 70%. In Surat, 13% of the population is under 6 years of age. Around 5% of the total population is Oriya, since many people come from Orissa in search of jobs; some of whom are then forced to return home, due to shortages of jobs in Surat. And KIM is the one of the biggest town of the Surat district at their there is a village name KOTHAWA (Dargah) which is famous for the sufi HAZARAT MAKHDUM SHAHID WAVA’S dargah, at this village many villagers depended on the dargah means their occupation related to or depended on dargah’s visitors. Villagers’ literacy rate is very low. There is school up to only 4 standard and till to 7 standard next village of this. And for up to 7 standard children have to go 3 km away from the village. Education Schools in Surat are either "municipal schools" (run by the SMC) or private schools (run by trusts or individuals), which in some cases receive financial aid from the government. The schools are affiliated either with the Gujarat State Board or the Central Board for Secondary Education (CBSE). Under the 10+2+3 format, students attend primary and secondary schooling during the first ten years and then may complete two years of higher secondary education, followed by three years at 33
  • 34. college for commerce, arts or science degrees. Generally, engineering degree courses take four years, while medicine takes about five and half years or more. Most colleges in the city are affiliated with the Veer Narmad South Gujarat University. Sardar Vallabhbhai National Institute of Technology, one of the NITs, is a premier engineering college, is also located here. Surat has a large concentration of colleges under the Veer Narmad South Gujarat University in the Athwa Lines area on the banks of the Tapti river. It has a medical college and three engineering colleges, including the prestigious Sardar Vallabhbhai National Institute of Technology, Surat(SVNIT formerly svrcet or svr, among the 17 NIT's of India), some private colleges like Sarvajanik College of Engineering and Technology (SCET), and the C K Pithawala College of Engineering and Technology (CKPCET). SCET is one of the few institutions in the country to offer engineering degrees in Surat's main industry, Textiles. The 'Sir K.P.College of commerce' and MTB Arts and PT Science colleges are among the oldest in the state of Gujarat with PT Science being the only English Science college in the city. V.T. Choksi Sarvajanik College of Education is another well known educational institution. Sheth P T Mahila college of Arts and Homescience is exclusively for girls.. This grant in aid college is affiliated to SNDT Women's university, Mumbai (NAAC accredited 5 star). Surat has one of Private Medical College SMIMER - Surat Municipal Institute of Medical Education & Research, Dr.S & S.S.Gandhi College of Polytechnic Engineering, Majuragate, Surat Media Gujarat Mitra, one of the oldest and most respected dailies of the country, is the most popular daily newspaper of Surat and South Gujarat. Besides Gujarat Mitra, other dailies include Gujarat Samachar, Sandesh, Divyabhaskar and Commodity World. Local editions of these newspapers are published in Gujarati. Loktej was the first Hindi daily published in Surat. Rajasthan Patrika and Savera are now the top Hindi daily newspapers in Surat. The national dailies Indian Express, The Times of India and Mid Day are the most popular English-language newspapers. DNADaily News and Analysis is a new addition to the list of English dailies available in Surat. Since the city has the largest synthetic textile manufacturing center in India, there is an exclusive textile newspaper called Textile Graph. It is published in Surat, since 1994, in Gujarati and Hindi 34
  • 35. versions. The 'Textile Directory of Surat' (5th. edition) comprising business information of textile traders and industry in and around Surat is also published by Textile Graph. Most cable service providers have local television channels. Satellite TV DTH services are provided by DISH TV, TATA SKY and BIG TV. Broadband internet connections are also available in the city. Broadband service providers include BSNL, TATA Indicom, Reliance Communication, YOU Broadband. Wi-Fi connectivity is available at many cafes. Radio Currently, Surat has four FM Radio stations along with the national radio Vividh Bharati. • Radio City 91.1 • Radio Mirchi 98.3 • My FM 94.3 • Big FM 92.7 35
  • 36. Research Methodology: 1) Universe of the study:The universe of this study is Kothwa village which is 10 km far away from Kim railway station in the Surat district. The topic of the study is to know the causative factors for dropout among middle class Muslim families. 2) Sample of the study:There were almost up to 75 children who have dropped the education but from them nearly 55 children who came in to my research category which was age should not be up to 22 years and child should have dropped the education after 7th standard so up to 20 children were up to 22 years old so researcher has selected 50 children’s father as the respondents for the study. 3) Selection of sample:The sample design is concerned with two aspects. Firstly the number of respondents to be selected and secondly how are these respondents through sampling methods. The researcher utilized probability sampling method, while undertaking research process. There are various methods under probability sampling method like: a) Stratified Sampling b) Snowball Sampling Stratified Sampling: In stratified sampling the population is divided into several sub-populations that are individually more homogeneous than the total population and then we select items from each stratum to constitute a sample. Since each stratum is more homogeneous than the total population, we are able to get more precise estimates for each stratum and by estimating more accurately each of the component parts, and we get a better estimate of the whole. Researcher has used first Stratified Sampling for the data collection, at the area of data collection there were up to 75 students who have dropout the education but from them up to 20 students were above the age limit which is below 22 years but the researcher did not know the exactly how many and who are the students who have dropped out the school so researcher had made the list of the respondents who comes under the age limit of 22 years at this way researcher 36
  • 37. divided the population into these two division which are below and above the age of 22 years and made the list of them whomever researcher knew. Snowball Sampling: Snowball sampling is externally helped in studying some special sampling situation. In snowball sampling we start with a few respondents of the type we wish to include in our study and who in turn are expected to guide us to get more respondents and so on. Like the rotation of snowball, sample increases in its size as we continue to get more units of study. Researcher has made the list of the respondents through that list, started the research and also researcher got other respondents through the selected respondents through this way researcher has got the total respondents and completed the data collection. Variable under the Study: Variables for the present study are as follow… Independent Variable: • Personal Information, • Dropout • Perception Towards Education Dependent Variable: • Economic condition • Education • Occupation 4) Data Collection:The two types of sources of data in social research are ‘people’ and ‘paper’. People are labeled as primary source of data and paper is labeled as secondary source of data. 1. Primary data The Structured Interview:Data collection methods will vary according to the type of information of researcher; the research question and the resources. For the study the researcher uses the structured interview method. Researcher selected the structured interview method because there are not enough 37
  • 38. educated people to fill the questionnaire by themselves and in this method flexibility is permitted in deciding the answer and also giving multiple choices to the interviewee. In this structured interview method researcher include personal data, fathers’ education level, reasons for dropping the education and perception about the education. 2. Secondary data Data for the study collected through secondary sources also. The reports of Census, NFHS, NSS, other surveys and those such as Sachar Committee used for data collection and completion. Besides these, books, monographs, journals, newspapers and websites on the internet have been used. The researcher utilized the different libraries like library of the department of the Sociology, library of CSEIP, library of the university and library of the CSS. 5) Data Analysis:a) Coding sheet: It includes age, gender, standard, education level of parents, economical condition, different reasons for dropping the education and perception about the education etc…for example Family type includes nuclear code number (0), and joint code number (1). b) Master sheet: In the vertical side the numbers are given to the respondent from 1 to 50. The horizontal side was from A to AM. Code (0) is given to male respondents and (1) is given to female respondents, for the analysis of the data researcher used SPSS and MS EXCEL. Limitations: • Due to time limitation researcher couldn’t get more respondents for the study. • Due to age limitation researcher couldn’t include other students who dropout the education before some years. 38
  • 39. REVIEW OF LITERATURE 39
  • 40. Review of Literature Reviews of work on Muslims have pointed to the paucity of work on Muslims since Independence (I. Ahmad 1972; Madan 1995). Satish Saberwal (2005) have commented that there were ideological, conceptual and methodological reason for the scarcity of basic enquiry concerning Muslims at this time. He suggests that one of the ideological reasons for the neglect of Muslims during this period was that, following the trauma of partition, there was a tendency to ignore marks of difference within Indian society. Scholars working with categories of ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ could be accused of displaying a communal outlook. Conceptually , the focus on caste – an issue which – as identified with Indian society, and methodology, the disinterest of sociologists in historical developments, contributed to a general neglect of Muslims in sociology in India. The broad issues of sociological concern in the years following Independence took up the challenges and possibilities of modernization and development, while more substantive investigations were made of villages, caste, kinship, ritual, and issues of inequality arising out of the nexus of caste and class (Beteille, 2003). These were, by and large, looked at as large projects, and there seems to have been no thinking at that time on exploring the impact on different religious communities. Apart from this, there was perhaps a disinterest in religion, arising out of a need to commit to the values of modernization, in which religion was seen as one of the major handicaps to development. At most, the interest in religiously defined groups was with looking at features of religion that were mostly to play a facilitating or obstructive role in modernization. There were a few monographs that looked at issues that were specific to Muslims. Leela Dube’s Matriliny and Islam (1969) took up the theoretical issue of how a matrilineal kinship system works in a society which otherwise adheres to Islam, ‘which in its ideology as well as in its prescriptions, mandates and injunctions assumes and emphasizes a matrilineal social structure’ (Ibid.: 3). Pratap Aggarwal’s (1971) research on the Meos Started with the interesting question of why the Meos, who for about 300 years had been nominal Muslims, became more committed to their Muslims identity after Partition. Both these dealt with somewhat unusual situations, and both looked at religion in different ways. Mattison Mines (1972) looked at the question of entrepreneurship among a Muslim community in South India, 40
  • 41. keeping in view Max Weber’s proposition that a major factor in the development of capitalism in the West was religion. Mines attempted to show that the Muslim community he studied was not lacking in line with other studies that looked at entrepreneurship among other groups, like the Jains, who were successful businesspersons despite belong to a religion which would be characterized as ‘other worldly’ by Weber. As far as the role of religion was concerned, the studies considered religion as one among other factors, and took as the backdrop against which they explored the variations and contradictions in religious practice in the communities studied. Apart from these monographs, there was little that specifically looked at Muslims, whether as separate communities or even in terms of the general demographic situation. It was this kind of absence that led Imtiaz Ahmad (1972) to point out that, whether one looked at village studies, or modernization and development studies, the absence of work on Muslims or, for that matter, on all the minorities, is striking. He was pointing to the lacuna in empirical work, since most studies looked at Hindu communities or castes; nevertheless, the question also raised the issue of how India itself was viewed. Imtiyaz Ahmad’s collections of articles written on different aspects of Muslims in India were an attempt to remedy the situation as far as the lacuna in work on Muslims was concerned. His four edited books published in the 1970s and 1980s put together articles on Muslims in the areas of family and kinship, caste, modernization and change, and religion and ritual. He articulated the framework that was evident in the articles: While Muslims in India (as Muslims elsewhere) believe in and practice the cardinal pillars of the faith, the practice of Islam in India is heavily underlined ‘by element which are accretions, drawn from the local environment and contradict the fundamentalist view of the beliefs and practices to which Muslims must adhere (1981:7). Many of the practices associated with rites of passage, customs, beliefs and social institutions were accordingly discussed in this framework, and accounted for either as ‘survivals’ or as ‘diffusion’ from Hindu customs. Rituals especially were described as ‘syncretic’. Since this was the major frame in which the research interest on Muslims in India developed, in the1970s and 1980s worldwide there was a growing realization among anthropologists that Muslim societies were not simple reflections of the ‘Great and Little tradition’, and the focus of sociological studies of Islam and Muslim societies studies, which had simply assumed that the textual practices as articulated by the Ulama were the actual practices to be found in the community. The focus on ‘lived’ Islam was an effort to bring into the sociological forefront the fact that Islamic societies were quite diverse 41
  • 42. and that one could find in those societies a number of practices that went beyond the ‘five pillars’. Women’s rituals, the different ways in which the Prophet was emulated, healing rituals, Sufi shrines, and women’s rituals were some of the areas which were explored in Muslim societies. A number of variations of the ‘Great and Little tradition’ approach emerged, in which dichotomies such as ‘universal’ and particular’, ‘transcendental’ and ‘practical’, ‘purist’ and ’syncretic’, ‘orthodox’ and ‘heterodox’, etc. were used to describe what was seen as a conflict between the ‘textual’ and ‘lived’ Islam (see Roy 2005:32). Roy also points out that this frame, through which the problem of diversity of religious practices was addressed, resulted in a tendency to exclude as ‘Islamic’ those practices that did not fit in with the Ulama’s definition of Islam. Such practices were classed as ‘local’, ‘cultural’, etc. and their existence in the communities studied was taken as evidence of inadequate Islamisation or as evidence that the process of conversion was gradual and slow. The research question that was considered most interesting was how the local and the universal (or textual) were combined or contradicted in practice. In India, this kind of research question was exemplified in the discussion of caste. One of the major areas of focus in the late 1970s and 1980s was caste. On the one hand, the interest in caste was in terms of its ideological aspects. This was inspired by Louis Dumont’s Homo Hierarchicus (1980), which defied India as opposed to the West in terms of its approach to hierarchy. On the other hand, there were empirical investigations on caste, for instance, in village studies, which revealed how the field showed variation in caste not easily visible in the texture approaches of G.S. Ghurye or Dumont. The focus on caste as the defining feature of Indian society contributed further to the tendency to see India as primarily Hindu. For Dumont, India was culturally Hindu, and other communities, religious groups and categories were by definition, therefore, secondary. In Dumont’s work, Muslims society, which according to the textual sources, should have been more egalitarian. Peter van der Veer (1994:33) points out how the Orientalist assumption dominated not only the theories in the social sciences that dealt with the caste system, but also discussions on HinduMuslim relations, by relying on textual material for their understanding of the place of religion in Indian society. For Dumont, since the caste system was so primary, Muslims were marginal, because they were just like Hindus (in having caste), or marginal anyway either because they followed a ‘foreign; religion or because of their numbers, the issue of caste dud raise some 42
  • 43. theoretical question regarding the extent to which caste could be said to exist among Muslims in India, and the explanation for it (see Lindholm, 1986). Imtiaz Ahmad’s book in caste (1978) had already pointes to the existence of communities which practiced endogamy or had other practiced endogamy or had other practices that were similar to caste. The book identified many communities which practiced endogamy and had restricted relationships with one another. Dumont’s discussion on caste among Muslims had looked at the issue only with reference to the textual contradiction between the normative egalitarianism of Islam and hierarchy of Hindu society. Imtiyaz Ahmad’s explanation for the existence of these practices among Muslims was that it was the impact of the wider Hindu society. However, an alternative explanation was also put forward. C. Lindholm (1986) pointed out that there were similar practices in other parts of the Islamic world, and that, therefore, the existence of the practices described among the different Muslim communities represented in Imtiyaz Ahmad’s book could be considered to be part of a larger cultural milieu than just the Hindu Indian. He pointed out that one should not only assume ‘assimilation’, but also question where and why there was resistance to assimilation. The focus on ‘lived’ Islam was a necessary corrective to looking at Islam in a historic manner, as the Islamist and religious scholars tended to do. On the other hand, the focus on the syncretic and exotic was at the cost of looking at the everyday and textual practices in their own terms, and recognizing that these too were embedded in the local culture and that they too could be of sociological interest. Unfortunately, the very focus on ‘lived’ Islam seems to have replicated the idea that there is a textual and a local, each clearly identifiable according to some external standard. Roy (2005) has traced the development of approaches to the study of ‘popular’ Islam and has lamented the tendency of social scientists to categorize the ‘popular’ as not ‘Islamic’. The point is very well taken. However, it seems that Roy replicates the division, even in the process of criticizing the Islamists and social scientists who have adopted this approach. He continues to talk of the need to recognize that the relationship between the two is not always antagonistic, that is sometimes complementary or may even involve inserting an ‘Islamic’ meaning or content into some cultural practice, in this way incorporating it into an Islamic framework. These processes are clearly visible at the empirical level. However, treating tradition in this way not only makes a distinction that may or may not be meaningful for those who actually practice the religion, but it gives fixity to definitions of Islam without relating these to the social groups they represent. Also, it once again has the effect of ignoring those practices 43
  • 44. which cannot be easily classed as one or another. Two points can be noted in this connection. The first is regarding how to look at the distinction between the prescribed practices and other that are also done by Muslim in any particular context. Such distinctions have to be seen with reference to why that distinction is being made, in which context, by whom and with what effect. This means, first of all, recognizing the Ulama as one among others who are trying to articulate what being Muslim means to them. Studies of religion per se have gone into the background, and issues of nationalism, secularism, ethnicity, identity, pluralism and multiculturalism have come in for more close discussion. These discussions inevitably bring in the situation of Muslims as minorities. It is, however, the general approach adopted in these studies that has been of help even in work that is more directly anthropological and sociological. This is, no doubt, not only because of developments within India, but also because of events worldwide. The major advance that we see in the recent studies in India is that they are more historicized, they take the position that identities are social constructs, and that it is in the context of specific social and political developments that identities (including religious identities) take shape. Furthermore, there is a far greater recognition that culture must be viewed as dynamic, and that religion today is deeply influenced by political events. The realization that the position of Muslims needs to be monitored has resulted in some studies which have tried to survey the situation of Muslims with regard to specific parameters. For example, A. Ahmad (1993) and R. Jain (2005) have looked at the state of education among Muslims. Coming to the education of Muslims Danish (2004) argues in his report, it is based on a survey conducted in three districts of Uttar Pradesh that have a fairy high Muslim population, characterized by high rates of illiteracy and widespread poverty: Siddharthnagar, Barabanki and Moradabad. A total of 48 madrasas and 6 Government schools were surveyed and 216 madrasa teachers, 15 Government primary school teachers, and several students in schools and madrasas and their parents were interviewed for this study. In the Moradabad district it was found that 42.35% of parents of students in madrasas and government schools were illiterate, 12.94% had acquired secondary education and only 1.76% was madrasa graduates. Their average annual income was `  24,535. Of the 170 parents, only 4 were government employees. 10.58% were unemployed, 15,85% were daily wage earners, 42.35% were engaged in small income generation activities and 27.64% were artisans. In other words, the vast majority of students studying in 44
  • 45. madrasas and government come from economically deprived backgrounds. (A thesis submitted by Dr. Samiullah Ghanchi, CSSEIP, Department of Sociology, VNSG University). It is further observed form the table that while 46 percent respondents desire education not more than upper primary for girls, only 24 percent desire this level for boys. Though about one-fourth of the respondents desired high school education, there is not much difference in their opinion about the need for boys and girls. But so far as college education is concerned, the difference in the parents desire is too wide. While just 26 percent respondents want college education for girls, 50 percent desire it for boys (Dr. Mumtaz Ali Khan, 1984). A study up on ‘Focusing on education for the Muslim girl child’ by Prof. Rekha Pande, Director of Centre for Women's Studies, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Gachi Bowli, Hyderabad, she described that Education is a very important tool for creating a gender just society and bringing in empowerment to women. For this we have to start with the girl child. Unfortunately today if we look at the statistics there is a lot of gap between the education of men and women. Even within the context of education in general, there is a wide gap between the Muslim women and the women belonging to other religions and communities. Though primary education is free in India very few girls who enroll, continue their studies and drop out at some point or another. Education is a very important means for upward mobility and integration into the economy and society and if a large chunk of women are left behind overall development will take a back seat. Even though many changes have taken place in the role and status of Women in India, and also in the world, no spectacular transformation has taken place in the case of Muslim women. Their participation in the social and economic spheres is limited when compared to their female counterparts in other religious communities. In comparison with other major culture areas, the Muslim majority nations of the world have low rate of reported economic activity by women, low female literacy at all levels. Various impediment have been imposed on women by Muslim community by a role principally to that mother and wife and for all practical purpose denied her freedom to choose a role or a combination of roles. Though considerable steps have been taken and enrolment of girls has marginally increased yet social and gender gaps are wide and many of the girls drop out after the initial primary school. The 1983, Report on Minorities, declared Muslims to be a backward community primarily due to the dismal educational and exceedingly poor socio- economic status particularly of Muslim 45
  • 46. women and a high dropout rate at the elementary stage of education (Report, 1983). According to the 2001 Census, although literacy among Muslims improved between 1993-94 and 19992000, their rates (67.66%) are still on average 10% below that of the Hindus (71.16 %). In rural areas in 2000, 48% of Muslims above the age of seven could not read or write, compared to 44% Hindus in the same situation. In urban areas the gap is much wider, 30% among the Muslims but only 10% among the Hindus (Census, 2001). In a study which we did in some of the slums in Hyderabad, India among the muslim girls, we found that of the 472 children, 298 are the school going children and 174 are the drop outs. In our sample among the boys, 6.9% were illiterate, 41.15% were drop outs, 44.32% were school going. Of the girls 8.36% were illiterate, 26.69% were drop outs, and 64.9% were going to school. From the 298 school going children, 45.30% of the children are boys and 54.69% are girls. The number of children who preferred English medium is 50.5% in which 44.59% are girls and 55.40% are boys which show that for boys english medium is preferred when compared to the girls, for whom a religious education is considered important. Girls percentage in drop out level is lower than the boys because girls are usually send to school after doing their houses hold activities where as boys have earn for the family, to overcome the financial problems due to the high rate of poverty. As the education level increases the number of children in the school decreases. A main reason for the girls, not being sent to the college is early marriage, and for the boys it is poverty. Due to their low socio-economic status they do not prefer the higher education for the boys. If the socioeconomic state is satisfactory, then they prefer to give higher education to the boys in comparison to girls because boys will be their bread earner for the family and girls would get married and go to another house. May people are sending their girls to school to educate the family or to become better house wives. Cultural norms as well as family livelihood strategies place girls education at a greater risk than that of boys. The making of gender identity begins in the family as children internalize what are seen as culturally appropriate qualities and attitudes associated with being masculine and 46
  • 47. feminine through socialization .Though girls education is gradually becoming more of a social norm, it is still heavily influenced by considerations of marriage and status production rather than the need for economic security for the individual or her family. Thus when girls are ready for marriage and social taboos to their mobility set in, or there is need for extra hands within the home, or finances do not permit, it is girls who are more likely to be pulled out of schools than boys. Girls are at a disadvantage in relation to boys not merely in relation to their chances of school entry and retention but in the kind of academic environments provided by the home as well. Though schools are embedded in the larger social structure characterized by hierarchical gender relations and ideologies that devalue the position of women, attempts must be made to push the limits and explore the possibilities of change through schools, particularly as they offer public space that is obliged to be informed by principles of equality. Thus it is necessary to critically review school knowledge and pedagogic practices from the perspective of gender equity and provide meaningful learning opportunities for all children. The overwhelming finding of our survey is of conspicuous and continuing disparities in education for the Muslim women. While 28.66% men were illiterate, 38.66% women were illiterate. Even at the all India level most Muslim women have never been to school close to 58 per cent of women reported themselves to be illiterate and the school enrolment rate for the Muslim girl is high at the primary level that is 53.46 per cent, as we move up the education ladder, there is a significant drop in the proportion of the higher education. A major problem facing both boys and girls in this socio- economic stratum is that although they may be enrolled at the primary level, they don’t always remain in school. Many of the boys drop out in order to earn for a living and girls drop out due to marriage and low value placed on the girls’ education. Three crucial factors play an important role in deciding about education, the low standard of living, low level of boys’ education and early marriages. As the boys are less educated the parents feel if the girls get more education it can create problems for marriage. They still see education as a stop gap arrangement for marriage and not to make one independent and self reliant. 47
  • 48. Though education in a government primary school is also free many families are more in favour of the education in a madrasa. They do not see the Government school as an effective means of social mobility. There is a need to modernize these madarsas and equip them also to provide formal education besides religious education. Many parents think that English education is good and a child would have a bright future if they are educated in English medium schools. Hence, this is a very important reason for modernizing the education in the madrasas and expands their scope by including other systems of education besides religious education. The low school enrolment and gender disparity are manifestations of poverty and the inaccessibility of the school system. Poor households also withdraw girls for supplementing the household earning or taking care of the siblings when the parents are working. Artisans, skilled workers and small business families do not see any advantage in formal schooling as it does not add on to their skills or their job prospects. As there are very few of these people in government jobs they do not see any advantages in formal schooling. Early marriage was a great impediment to girls schooling because there is an increase in incidents of dowry and parents would like to get their girls married soon. A large scale effort has to be made to create awareness and bring in education to people below the poverty line. Perception of the need for education Perception of the need for or importance of education is the initiator of interest in education. The participant should have a clear vision of the outcome of education. It is only when they are convinced; it is possible to kindle interest among them. This is perhaps the situation with all backward classes. The position of the Muslims in relation to primary education as well as higher education is discussed here. Primary education From the earlier discussion it becomes patently clear that most of the literates among the muslins have not crossed upper primary level. Even this it is no small achievement. What makes the parents provide even this much of education to their children? It is not anyway because of compulsory education that the parents send their children. There are nine reasons assigned. These are: jobs, security, matrimonial alliances, letter writing, reading story books, reading religious books, ensuring family interest, help in domestic work and good behavior. While all these reasons are assigned to boys and girls, the intensity of the assignment varies between boys and girls. As it is evident from the table, in respect of the boys, primary education 48
  • 49. is needed mostly for good behavior (79%) and rendering assistance in work (75%). This is closely followed by letter writing and reading story books (59%). But the reasons given in the case of girls’ primary education are different. For instance, in the case of girls, the most important reason is security (79%), followed by matrimonial alliances (69%) reading religious books (68%) securing jobs (63%), family interest(60%). Letter writing and reading stories also accounts for nearly 50 percent. The main difference between boys and girls are that while in the case of primary education for boys, good behavior and assistance in work are the most important reasons, in the case of the girls, security in life and matrimonial alliance together with reading religious book are the most important reasons. Higher Education: The responses of the Muslim males and female to higher education have already been described. This dismal position has been there consistently during the last three generations. This warrants further explanation as to why the Muslims are not responding to higher education and further, if they have a desire for higher education, why they want higher education? The latter issue is taken up first. These are seven reasons assigned by the respondents which motivate them to send their children for higher education. These are: jobs, knowledge, status, security, good matrimonial alliance, adjustment in life and progress of the family. While all these reasons are applicable to the male children as well as to the female children, these are a significant variation in the opinion of the respondents for higher education to boys and girls. So far as male children are concerned a vast majority of them feel that higher education would provide opportunities in employment market (87%). They feel that if the boys are graduates or double graduates, they would secure jobs in Government offices and factories. The next important reason is that higher education would ensure progress of the family (57.9%). Their thinking is that when boys are educated, they would be in a position to bring progress and prosperity to the whole family. The third reason is that higher education would enable their children acquire knowledge. The other reasons assigned for boys are status (34%), security (33%), better chances of getting girls from good families (29%) and adjustment in life (29%). So far as girls are concerned, the most important reason is knowledge (87%). The respondents feel that higher education would provide all round knowledge for development. 49
  • 50. Closely followed by this is higher education for security (86%). The main explanation offered by them is that if the girls have to face an unforeseen calamity in life, particularly after marriage, they would be exposed to many problems in life mostly connected with maintenance. If the girls are educated, they can stand on their own legs and face the challenges in life. Prospects of better matrimonial alliance account for 73%. It is the thinking of the respondents that educated girls would get better husbands. Forty nine % feel that higher education would make the girls prepare themselves for any type of adjustment in life. The other reasons assigned are: progress of the family (43%), status (34%), and job (29%). A Comparative analysis of the reasons given for higher education for boys and girls shows a few fundamental differences. While securing jobs gets the first place so far as the male children are concerned, it accounts for the least in the case of female children, though knowledge is an important reason for boys and girls, it is knowledge that is given the most important reason for girls’ education. Similarly, while higher education for security and good matrimonial alliances finds the second and third place in the case of girls, not much importance is given in the case of boys. Similarly, adjustment for girls than for boys. Further, progress of the family is more important for the male children than for the female children. Actual responses The second aspect of this question of higher education concerns the actual responses. We have known that the actual responses are very poor. And thus there is a conflict of values, a conflict between precept and practice. The respondents’ attention was drawn to this conflict and their explanation was sought. Three important reasons were assigned by the respondents for this conflicting situation. There are: (1) Higher education is a costly enterprise. With limited income, it is just impossible for the parents to think of higher education for all the children. They have to make some sort of adjustment in their family budget if they were keen on higher education for children. In this process, preference is generally given to the boys; (2) though higher education for girls is sometimes accepted as a very important instrument for development, Muslims are generally traditional and therefore, they would not like to send their daughters to centers of higher education where co-education prevails. Co-education seems to be a social taboo. Separate higher educational institution for girls are generally not available in or near about places. Parents are generally reluctant to send their daughters to Hostels or relative in cities; (3) the third reason 50
  • 51. is a very important one. If higher education is a passport for jobs, and if educated Muslims do not get jobs commensurate with the qualifications, then there is thorough disappointment and disillusionment. Quite a few cases were brought to the notice of the author. A few graduates who could not get jobs were assisting their fathers in their petty shops. The grouse of the fathers was that even after spending a few thousands of rupees on the boy’s education there was nothing they could get by way of returns. Reasons Reasons for choosing medium of instruction were probed into. The major reasons given by the respondents are: (1) at the primary school levels, particularly at the upper primary level, Urdu, the mother tongue of the students, is the ideal choice as the children would understand better. For girls, Urdu medium is more feasible and practicable (2) Kannada medium is taken on two grounds namely (a) Urdu schools are not located or even if located, these schools body managed and (b) Kannada being the language of the state would help children in course of time.(3)English medium schools are generally not found in villages. Even in towns, they are generally not found. Even if they are located, cost of education prohibits a large number. At the high school level English medium is preferred because of the fact that (1) Urdu medium high school are not located in many villages. Anyway, when the children have to go to high school, the choice is between Kannada medium and English medium. And in this process, they prefer English medium as it is considered to be more useful later on. At the college level English medium is the normal medium and therefore these people have to take English medium. (A study by Mumtaz Ali Khan, 1984 ) M N Asadullah described in his research ‘Social divisions in school participation and attainment in India’ (March 15, 2009). The study documents the size and nature of Hindu-Muslim gaps in school participation and attainments in India drawing upon two rounds of National Sample Survey (NSS) data. Even after controlling for socio-economic conditions and parental background, Muslim children were found to be significantly disadvantaged in terms of school enrolment and grade completion in 1983. By 2004, whilst these gaps have been narrowed, significant gaps remain, particularly in grade completion: the Muslim disadvantage in India today is greater than observed gender gap in school completion. We consider a specific hypothesis to explain these educational disparities between children of India’s two largest 51
  • 52. religious groups – influence of state of residence. Child schooling regressions yield large coefficients on state dummies even after controlling religious membership and observed differences in socio-economic and family conditions of the child. Neither is this Muslim “penalty” explained by one’s region of residence. Whilst state of residence matters for children’s education in India, most of the Muslim effect is found to be a within-state phenomenon. Nonetheless, we explored to what extent the observed Muslim disadvantage in India can be attributed to the demographic, economic, political and cultural aspects of that region. Our analysis shows that commonly perceived region-specific explanations of Muslim disadvantage in India do not have much explanatory power either. The Muslim effect remains unchanged even after netting out the contribution of state characteristics such as extent of ethnic fractionalisation, poverty, whether the region is Southern and political competition. Acknowledging the importance of education for economic growth and poverty reduction, a number of studies in recent years have sought to document the constraints facing households in India with respect to investment in children’s education (e.g. PROBE, 1999; Dreze and Kingdon, 2001; Kingdon, 2007; Kochar, 2004). Reasons identified for low participation in these studies range from factors such as rural infrastructure (e.g. roads), conditions in the local village economy, the functioning and size of the relevant labour market, household credit-constraints, sex discrimination to the poor quality and inadequate supply of schools. However, for multi-ethnic countries with less than universal coverage of education, an added Millennium Development Goal (MDG) challenge is that of closing school participation gaps across various social groups. In developing countries such as South Africa, economic and social disadvantage of the Black minorities is a welldocumented phenomenon. Similarly in India, it is widely believed that people belonging to the lower caste and non-Hindu (e.g. Muslim) faith groups are economically deprived1. If so, knowledge of the educational exclusion of children from these social groups is important from policy point view. Almost all the existing studies on determinants of school participation and attainment in India today acknowledge socio-religious differences in the population and document the profile of educational achievement by caste, religion and gender, albeit largely as a by-product (e.g. Dreze and Kingdon, 2001; Kingdon, 2002; Dostie and Jayaraman, 2006). Evidence from these studies 1 Given the differential fertility rate between Hindus and Muslims, the population share of the later will further rise in the future which serves as an added motivation for a separate examination of determinants of schooling amongst Muslims households (Borooah and Iyer, 2005; Rajaram and Jayachandran, 2007). 52
  • 53. is mixed- whilst Dreze and Kingdon (2001) find no evidence of intrinsic educational disadvantage among Muslim children, Kingdon (2002) and Dostie and Jayaraman (2006) report some evidence of Muslim disadvantage in schooling even after netting out differences in family background and personal attributes. More recently, researchers have revisited the issue of determinants of school participation in India using large-scale nationally representative datasets. On the basis of these studies, there is considerable evidence of social disparity in educational outcomes in India – girls lag behind boys; children born into Muslim and scheduled castes families achieve much less than those from Hindu families (Desai and Darden, 2006; Boorah and Iyer, 2006; Bhalotra and Zamora, 2006; Rajaram and Jayachandran, 2007)2. Studies that use multi-round household datasets even indicate that whilst Hindu-Muslim (H-M) educational gap has been reduced in school attendance, it has actually widened in completion (e.g. Bhalotra and Zamora, 2006)3. Given the link between education and poverty, it is little surprise that these educational gaps are also mirrored in economic disparity between the corresponding social groups. Moreover, given that returns to education in India rise with levels of education (Dutta, 2006), any H-M educational gap will translate into further H-M gaps in labour market earnings. Indeed, Bhaumik and Chakrabarty (2008) demonstrate that equalizing educational access can reduce H-M wage gap by as much as 45%4. Similar effect of education is also documented for other social groups in India. For instance, Gang, Sen and Yun (2008) find that differences in educational attainment explain about 25% of the poverty gap for both the Scheduled Caste and Schedule Tribe households in India. If true, targeted educational investments could serve as an important policy lever to reduce economic inequality between religious groups in India. Knowledge of such gaps is particularly important in the context of liberalisation of Indian economy in the recent past and the rise in economic returns to schooling. 2 Existing studies on determinants of children’s health status also point out a Hindu-Muslim gap. E.g. Borooah (2004) finds that the likelihood of Hindu children being fully vaccinated was 20 percentage points higher than that for Muslim children. 3 Balhotra and Zamora (2007) use 2 rounds of NFHS survey data spanning the period 1992/3 and 1998/9. 4 For example, Bhaumik and Chakrabarty (2008) estimate the gap in the average (log) earnings of Hindu and Muslim wage earners in India, during the 1987-2004 period. The finding that education differences between Hindu and Muslim wage earners, especially differences in the proportion of wage earners with tertiary education, are largely responsible for the differences in the average (log) earnings of the two religious groups across the years. By contrast, differences in the returns to education do not explain the aforementioned difference in average (log) earnings. 53
  • 54. Despite the well-documented between faith group differences in outcomes and the policy relevance of such research5, there is a general lack of descriptive research on the extent and nature of H-M gaps in schooling in India. Apart from Boorah and Iyer (2006), none of the extant published studies emphasise the importance of one’s religious group membership as a determinant of educational attainment. Recently, debate over Muslim educational backwardness in India has received attention from policy makers following the publication of a national commission report on social, economic and education status of the Muslim community in India (Sachar, 2006). The report highlighted a number of statistical patterns in the case of educational participation and literacy attainments of Muslim population: i) Literacy rate among Muslims was far below the national average. ii) 25% of Muslim children in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended school or have dropped out. iii) Dropout rates among Muslims are higher at the level of primary, middle and higher secondary school. iv) The educational disparity is widening since 1970s between Muslims and all other categories in post- secondary level. In premier colleges only 4% of under-graduate students and 2% of post-graduate students are Muslims. v) The changes in the educational patterns across the various religious groups and communities suggest that the schedule castes and schedule tribes have definitely reaped the advantages of targeted government and private action supporting their educational progress. This reflects the importance of affirmative action. Given their educational backwardness, it is not unsurprising that the report also notes that unemployment rate among Muslim graduates is the highest among all socio-religious communities in India. Nonetheless, socio-economic gaps across ethnic and religious communities are not uncommon in other countries. However, cross-country descriptive studies are suggestive of the hypothesis that children growing up in Muslim communities in general have less schooling compared to those in Non-Muslim communities (Stewart, 2008). This evidence of schooling gap in Muslim populations elsewhere has motivated some researchers to 5 The exceptions are Balhotra and Zamora (2007) and Rajaram and Jayachandran (2007). However, the authors document H-M gaps in school participation only for the 1990s. 54
  • 55. explain the Muslim “disadvantage” in India in terms of norms, preferences and practices intrinsic to Islamic faith that may inhibit household investment in secular education and skills valued in the labour market. In case of India, for instance, it has been argued that educational backwardness of the Muslims is partly owing to their preference for religious (over secular) education (e.g. Borooah and Iyer, 2006). This assertion however ignores the fact that in some Indian states with a large Muslim population, there are a sizable number of Islamic religious schools that are state-recognized and hence official enrolment statistics account for attendance in these Islamic faith schools. Another popular explanation for low schooling of Muslims relates to the treatment of women in Muslim societies. Compared to households of other faith groups, Muslim households may discriminate against the education of girls. If true, then an educational gap will prevail between Muslim and non-Muslim communities. However, available evidence using data from other countries with large Muslim population is not conclusive of a systematic female disadvantage in school participation. For instance, using Lebanese data, Hajj and Panizza (2008) find that there is no significant difference between the education gender gap of Muslims and Christians. Rather, both Muslim and Christian girls receive more education than their male counterparts. Similar trends of reverse gender gap in school participation and completion are documented for Bangladesh- another country with large Muslim population in South Asia (Asadullah and Chaudhury, 2009). For another reason, it is imperative to distinguish between the household’s religious affiliation and region of residence in India. The North-South divide in norms and culture is a welldocumented phenomenon. Whilst stories of gender-exclusion are common in the North, research using data from the South report almost no evidence of gender gaps in social outcomes (Dreze and Sen, 1997). For instance, in an insightful study, Jejeebhoy and Sathar (2001) compare the lives of women and explore dimensions of their autonomy in different regions of South AsiaPunjab in Pakistan, and Uttar Pradesh in north India and Tamil Nadu in south India. They find that while women's autonomy is constrained in all three settings, women in Tamil Nadu fare considerably better than other women, irrespective of religion. Their findings do not support the view that Muslim women exercise less autonomy in their own lives than do Hindu women in the subcontinent. Rather, findings suggest that in the northern portion of the subcontinent, women's 55
  • 56. control over their lives is more constrained than in the southern region. If true, a relevant question is whether the H-M residual educational gap in India is specific to the northern states. There are a number of studies that have focused on the question of inequalities in educational outcomes and/or the provision of public goods across regions and states (e.g. Pal and Ghosh, 2007; 2008; Betancourt and Gleason, 2000). Betancourt and Gleason (2000) examined the influence of state characteristics on the allocation mechanism of health and education services in rural India. From their district level analysis, the authors reported evidence of selectivity in the allocations against Muslims. However, we are not aware of any study which has looked at the influence of state characteristics on educational performance of Muslim children in India using household data. Some suggestive evidence has been furnished in the recent government enquiry into the educational poverty of Muslim communities in India. In its comprehensive evaluation of the nature and causes of Muslim disadvantage in India, the Sachar Committee Report contradicts the claim that lack of formal education amongst Muslims in India is indicative of a predilection for religious education. Contrary to popular beliefs, it finds only a very small fraction (only 3%) of Muslim children among the school-going age attending Madarsas. This finding is also consistent with evidence for other South Asian countries with large Muslim populations and hence questions the claim made by some researchers (e.g. see Borooah and Iyer, 2006) that low school enrolment of Muslim children is owing to their attendance of religious schools that operate outside the state recognized education sector. Nonetheless, Sachar Report lends support to the supply-side related hypotheses outlined in the previous section. The report notes: i) The access to government schools for Muslim children is limited. There is nonavailability of schools within easy reach for girls at lower levels. ii) The proportion of the Muslim population is negatively correlated with the availability of educational infrastructure in small villages. Villages with sizable Muslim population are also under served in terms of public infrastructure such as (good quality) roads, local bus stops and water supply facilities. Amongst other things, the report documents (a) a lack of political participation and representation of Muslims in governance structures, (b) under-representation of Muslims in mainstream economic activities and occupations and (c) inequality in access to credit between 56
  • 57. Muslims and non-Muslims (e.g. the average amount of bank loan disbursed to the Muslims is 2/3 of the amount disbursed to other minorities; in some cases it is reported to be half). From the above findings of the Sachar Commission Report, one can therefore conjecture that the Muslim disadvantage in India is likely to be explained by a confluence of demand as well as supply-side factors. Apart from being poor and more credit constrained, Muslim households are likely to concentrate in states that are institutionally (e.g. schools, banks, roads and so on) underprovided by the government and/or the local communities. At the same time, much of their under achievement could be reflecting the region-specific (i.e. North-South) cultural norms in India. Testing all the hypotheses requires detailed household and community level information on Muslim population across states in India. In the absence of such data, the objective of this paper is to focus on the household factors and state influence in explaining Hindu-Muslim gap in school participation and completion using nationally representative household survey data. We begin by systematically documenting the educational profile of children belonging to Hindu and Muslim households using two rounds (i.e. 1983 and 2004) of NSS data. Then estimates from descriptive regression models are used to explain the source of H-M gaps in school participation and attainment6 in terms of differences in household wealth, income and parental education on one hand and state of residence on the other. In other words, we test whether the observed gap in children’s education is capturing Hindu-Muslim differences in family background and/or is driven by greater concentration of Muslims in certain states of India. Muslim children in general have lower rates of completion than other groups within India independent of their state of residence but not independent of family background. This is despite the fact that labour market returns to post-primary schooling are very high. Thus, the fact that Muslim households are likely to be more credit-constrained (which remains a valid explanation for low completion), have adults with lower education levels etc. does seem to mitigate the completion rates of Muslims. The lower rates of school completion amongst the Muslims suggest that greater participation is hindered by a constrained supply of schools. To test the relative importance of overall family background, we carried out a simple F-test. The size of the F statistic however is smaller in 2004 when compared to its value in 1983. This is suggestive of the possibility that there are other factors (beyond family background) that is more important in 6 This will be measured by collapsing the educational dummy variables into one variable so as to construct a linear measure of school completion. We will use NSS 1994 (52 round) data to test the validity of such linearization. 57
  • 58. explaining schooling outcomes in India today. In this context, therefore, demographic, economic and political characteristics of the region of residence are important. In order to delve a little deeper into the state-level characteristics and to consider why the Muslim disadvantage in school enrolment seems to increase when we allow for state controls, we include a number of state-level socio-economic and political variables into our regression model7. We will consider these in a little more detail in this section. To this end, we first merge our NSS dataset with a state-level dataset which contain information on factors such as GDP, land inequality, poverty, political competition and so on. All state-level variables enter the regression model in lagged form8. For NSS 1983, state-level political variable is the ratio of number of seats won by 2nd party to the number of seats won by leading party, both averaged over the period 1973 – 1977. We began with two other political variables – voter turnout and number of political parties with more than one seat but since voter turnout is likely to be endogenous and the latter variable i.e. number of political parties with more than one seat also reflects political competition but does so less clearly, we decided to retain only one variable. State socioeconomic condition is proxied by a headcount ratio of poverty. We began with a wider range of state economic variables including state agricultural GDP (divided by 100,000 and averaged over 1973 – 1977, state-level poverty measured by the headcount Index, % of HH with no land % of area owned by bottom 50% HH. However, these are all essentially picking up the same effect i.e. state economic prosperity and we therefore retained the variable that most closely reflects the factor that might influence decision-making i.e. poverty levels. Similarly, we construct and merge lagged values of these variables with NSS 2004 round. All these variables are taken as an average over the period 1994 –1998. Political competition increased attendance in school in 1983 and decreased it in 2004. Thus, states in which the second party had a relatively high number of seats compared to the leading party were states where attendance in school was higher in 1983. This was true also for Muslims living in these states. However, the situation changed by 2004. By 2004, political competition decreased attendance rather than increased it. There seems to have been a change in the nature of political competition and in the objectives of these parties too. These results reinforce the fractionalisation results because they do seem to indicate that states in which there was much 7 8 We hope to update this discussion by carrying out similar analysis for school completion. Results are not reported but available from the authors upon request. 58
  • 59. political competition were ones where education attendance was higher in 1983. Such political competition could possibly have taken the form of tapping minority votes through universalising education. While poverty decreased attendance in 1983, it increased attendance in 2004. Again, this result though surprising at first glance, can be explained by considering the changes in the Indian economy during these decades. Studies indicate that the economy has grown very fast and the opportunities of children to be employed are higher than they used to be. Poor children therefore are likely to be working rather than attending school. In 1983, alternatives to education were fewer and therefore children continued in school whether they wished to or not. Minimize the level of drop-out among the school-going students of the minority community and other Dalit communities, gradually, to a zero-level, within ten years of launching this project. This is expected to inspire the large percentage of boys and girls to go to school and madarsas rather than sit at home or engage in menial work. As per Sachar Report, more than 50% of the Muslim boys and girls in rural areas and more than 60% of those in urban areas neither go to schools nor to madarsas. The situation is better among Dalits of the majority community. Twenty-five percent (25%) of Muslim children in the 6-14 years age group have either never attended school or have dropped out. Drop out rates among Muslims are higher at the level of primary, middle, and higher secondary. In premier colleges, only one out of twenty-five (4%) under-graduate students and one out of fifty post- graduate (2%) students are Muslims. National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), a central government body, confirmed on 19th May 2010, that Muslims remain the most backward community on the educational front. Muslims’ ratio in higher education is lower than even Scheduled Tribes (STs), considered most backward. Out of every 100 Muslim in the education system, just 10 are enrolled in high school and above. Similar ratio for STs is 11, for SCs 12 and for OBCs, it is 14. The main reason for high dropout level is poverty (24%), and lack of community support (culture). Parents fear that their wards may ultimately have to dropout, because of (a) poor academic performance, and (b) lack of financial support. The immediate loss of earnings that their wards may currently be bringing may be a great driving force. Some experiments by themselves or by those they know might have resulted in their wards' failure in terminal or yearly 59
  • 60. exams. This validation of their fear adds to the perception that it is worthless wasting the time of their wards in educational pursuits. Education in the Muslim world which is supposed to play the noble role of Islamic awareness has failed for various reasons: First main reason is that there are more existing secular schools, colleges and universities compared to Islamic educational institutions. This is due to the increasing demand for secular institutions that prepare students for employment, high salary, fame, and other material or worldly benefits after graduation. More Muslim parents send their children in secular schools especially in non-Muslim countries or universities run by nonMuslims for the sake of "quality" worldly knowledge. They do not care whether their children whose minds are still young and susceptible to cultural shock will adopt non-Islamic cultural values. Second the Islamic curricular offerings in most Islamic educational institutions are not based on authentic knowledge of Islam – i.e., according to the Qur'an and the Sunnah. Third, Islamic curricular offerings do not help develop the students: 1) to have the right aqeedah and eeman (firm belief and faith) that will make them sincere, devoted and God-fearing Muslims; 2) to have ideal personality or righteous manners and conduct that will make them attain success and peace with themselves, their families, neighbors, friends, the Muslim leaders or those who are in the authority, peace with other fellow Muslims as well as non-Muslims in the society (local, national and international level); and 3) to be able to do Da'wah effectively or convey the true Message of Islam which is Tawheed (Absolute Oneness of Allah) according to the Qur'an and the Sunnah. Fourth, there is no international accrediting body in the Muslim world that could screen the curricular offerings in Islamic Studies among different Islamic educational institutions to ensure that subjects related to these three important courses in Islamic Studies, namely: 1) Aqeedah, 2) Personality Development and 3) Da'wah) are offered in the light of authentic sources. Fifth, in general, the Muslim educators, policy makers and curriculum development makers are not responsive to the needs of the Muslim students taking Islamic Studies in coping with modern technological advancement and globalization of knowledge. The educational system in the Muslim world, which follows the western secular system of education, has been preparing every learner primarily toward success in this materialistic world, obviously in response to the fast changing science and technology. As a result, school or educational institutions in the Muslim world offer various non-Islamic courses which are being 60
  • 61. loaded with so many subjects and continue to undergo revisions to keep abreast with change and modernity. More and more educational institutions are being established towards this end. Unfortunately, most of these schools, colleges and universities do not offer well-balanced curricula that will develop learners to achieve success both in this world and the life hereafter. Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Islamic religious schools known as madrasas (or madrassahs) in the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia have been of increasing interest to U.S. foreign policy makers. Some allege ties between madrasas and terrorist organizations, such as Al Qaeda, and assert that these religious schools promote Islamic extremism and militancy. Others maintain that most of these religious schools have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-U.S. sentiments and for producing terrorists… Development Backlog must be cleared. Lecture by Dr. Abusaleh Sharief, Member-Secretary, Rajinder Sachar Panel By A Staff Writer The report reveals that deprivation of Muslims is maximum in four states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Assam where 60 per cent of India’s Muslims reside. It is for the first time that a Government appointed panel has identified the educational and socioeconomic status of Indian Muslims in comparison with other communities. Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh was very clear in his mind that the Muslims’ lot must be known vis-à-vis several categories of Indian population. We had eminent sociologist, T. K. Oommen, management expert, Dr. Rakesh Basanth, and planner and financial allocationist, M.A. Basith. Chairman, Dr. Rajinder Sachar provided the legal framework. The Panel was able to collect the most recent and authentic data. It has to be borne in mind that data is the first step to planning and development of people. The Reservation Act for Muslims passed by the Andhra Pradesh Assembly was quashed by the Supreme Court for not being backed by adequate research data establishing backwardness of the community. It did not per se reject the reservation. It is why the focus of the Sachar Panel was to establish the backwardness of the Muslims and do it in a way that does not raise passion. Use of very sane language is the hallmark of the report. 61
  • 62. Karnataka is one state where Muslims have done very well and the State has cared for its minorities almost on par with mainstream population. Its distinction lies in providing a leveling playing field for the Muslims. I am terrified to talk about Muslims in West Bengal who are not represented even to the tune of two per cent in the Government jobs, while they represent almost a quarter of the population. Our report reveals that deprivation of Muslims is maximum in four states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Assam where 60 per cent of India’s Muslims reside. Overall, the community seems to be lagging two steps behind others. If it has to make any advance, it has to first clear the backlog. Muslim rate of growth is lower than that of Dalits. Dalits are going to improve further in the next 50 years and their presence on the economic and political scene is going to be felt in a significant way. Political participation of Muslims has gone down to less than half their demographic strength during the last 60 years. Though all of it could not be due to discrimination, it has to be said that it is partly responsible. Even in an organization like Indian Railways, which employs 14 lakh people, Muslim representation is merely four per cent. Do they not find Muslims for appointment as gang men? Yet, no one should accuse any government, minister or prime minister for this state of affairs. Muslims have lagged behind in modern education. Twenty five per cent of Muslim children drop out of school by 7th standard. Dalit dropout rate is far less because schools in their areas have no vacancies, they are provided with midday meals. But there were lot of deficiencies on this score in Muslim areas. We found Sanskrit teachers appointed as headmasters in Urdu schools in Uttar Pradesh. Among Hindu upper-castes, one among 180 students goes for post graduate degree, whereas among Muslims, only one among 1000 students opts to do post graduate courses. Muslims have not been able to benefit from Panchayati Raj system. Spatially thin Muslim population hampers their election to Panchayat bodies. Andhra Pradesh has recently enacted a law whereby religious and linguistic minorities that fail to get representation through electoral process are co-opted as members in the panchayat. So thousands of Muslims and Tamilians were 62
  • 63. able to get Panchayat represe-ntation. But a more grim picture is painted by social scientist Yoginder Yadav of CSDS who informed the Sachar panel that voting share of Muslims is declining over successive elections. Muslims need to arrest this by whatever means they could. We have also taken note of the fact that several constituencies with preponderance of Muslims are reserved for the SC or ST. Gerrymandering of such electoral segments is also another devious ploy by the bureaucracy. Taking all these factors into account, the panel has recommended constitution of an Equal Opportunities Commission which could be approached by such individuals and families who harbour such grievances in matters of empowerment. For instance, tenders floated by several departments may only be advertised in Kannada language in Karnataka. Perhaps minorities like Tamilians or Urdu speaking people remain deprived because Tamil or Urdu dailies do not carry such advertisements. Resistance to change and modernity is a big bane for Muslims. Look for instance, the incidence of polio among Muslims in three districts of Uttar Pradesh and two districts of Bihar. It appears that at a time when polio has been eradicated from the entire world, it is only in these districts that all the world’s polio victims exist. Voluntary agencies working in these areas have related to us the apprehensions prevalent among the Muslims regarding to the polio drops. There are fewer NGOs or voluntary agencies from among Muslims working for diverse causes. Unfortunately, Muslims consider mosques and madrassas as voluntary organisations. We need to look at other communities and learn from them. There are few anganwadis in Muslim localities in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Our report reveals that more Muslims are self-employed and their productivity is more than others. If they have more credit access, linkages to market, they could do still better. The report also finds that Muslim petty businesses have no fixed location. This affects their profitability. Perhaps this could be addressed by civic bodies providing place for such businesses by marking areas. Only through such measures we can expect the playing field to be equal. Muslims would have to fit in the economy of the country which is poised to grow at 10 per cent for the next 15 years. During an open session, when pointed out that Registrar of Societies raise objections against all members being from the same community, Dr. Abusaleh Sharief said there was no such law that bars registration of such societies. He said one should seek a Constitutional reference from the 63
  • 64. Registrars in such situation. After all, artisans in Bidriware in Bidar or Nagara shoes in Jaipur would hail from the single community’, he remarked. (Dr. Abusaleh Sharief, chief economist, National Council of Applied Economic Research, delivered the lecture at a seminar organized by the Popular Front of India at Bangalore on January 15, 2007. Another member of the Sachar panel Mr. M. A. Basith also participated in the discussion.) Muslims mainly go for languages like Gujarati and Hindi, followed by social sciences like economics. Close on the heels of the Sachar Committee report, in Gujarat, Muslims are lagging behind in higher education. Of the total number of students doing their post-graduation at Gujarat University, only 5.1 percent are Muslims compared to 93.7 percent Hindus. There are about 14,000 post-graduate students in Gujarat University. Of them, only five percent are Muslims. And of these students, 32 percent are from the other backward caste (OBC) category. At M. S. University in Vadodara, only 10.62 percent of post-graduate students are Muslims, majority of them studying humanities, of them only 3 percent have been enrolled for Business Management, while the faculty of technology and engineering has only 1.70 percent Muslims. The Committee in August last year, had sent letters to institutions across India seeking data on Muslim population. The purpose was to prepare a report on the social, economic and educational status of Muslims in India. Reacting to the findings, professor of sociology at Gujarat University, Gaurang Jani says, “compared to the 12 percent Muslim population of Ahmedabad, a mere five percent presence at the higher education level is a poor show. Had there been reservation for the OBC students, the situation would have been even worse.” The survey said that the highest number of Muslims opt for language courses and the lowest for business management course. “Muslims mainly work in unorganised sector, only a few work in companies. It is not surprising that many of them do not opt for business management,” says Jani. “Even in Arts, Muslims mainly go for languages like Gujarati and Hindi, followed by social 64
  • 65. sciences like economics because they look for softer options and are also not properly guided to choose a career which can give them returns,” says professor of sociology at M.S University, N.Rajaram. There is a dearth of good schools and colleges managed by Muslims in Gujarat. General schools and colleges are expensive for Muslims as most of the students come from lower middle class families and students from economically weak Muslim families do not get a chance to get on in life. This situation demands intervention from the Central government in terms of financial grants, infrastructure development and policy amendments. The small number of Muslim-run schools is due to impediments involved in obtaining government grants as well as permission for opening educational institutions. To solve the problem, education for Muslim girls till graduation should be made free of cost, apart from establishing schools in Muslim dominated areas on the pattern of Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya and primary Schools and professional courses in madrasas. 14000 Post-Graduates in Gujarat University Only Five Percent are Muslims. By Abdul Hafiz Lakhani, Ahmedabad 65
  • 66. Muslims mainly go for languages like Gujarati and Hindi, followed by social sciences like economics. Close on the heels of the Sachar Committee report, in Gujarat, Muslims are lagging behind in higher education. Of the total number of students doing their post-graduation at Gujarat University, only 5.1 percent are Muslims compared to 93.7 percent Hindus. There are about 14,000 post-graduate students in Gujarat University. Of them, only five percent are Muslims. And of these students, 32 percent are from the other backward caste (OBC) category. At M. S. University in Vadodara, only 10.62 percent of post-graduate students are Muslims, majority of them studying humanities, of them only 3 percent have been enrolled for Business Management, while the faculty of technology and engineering has only 1.70 percent Muslims. The Committee in August last year, had sent letters to institutions across India seeking data on Muslim population. The purpose was to prepare a report on the social, economic and educational status of Muslims in India. Reacting to the findings, professor of sociology at Gujarat University, Gaurang Jani says, “compared to the 12 percent Muslim population of Ahmedabad, a mere five percent presence at the higher education level is a poor show. Had there been reservation for the OBC students, the situation would have been even worse.” The survey said that the highest number of Muslims opt for language courses and the lowest for business management course. “Muslims mainly work in unorganised sector, only a few works in companies. It is not surprising that many of them do not opt for business management,” says Jani. “Even in Arts, Muslims mainly go for languages like Gujarati and Hindi, followed by social sciences like economics because they look for softer options and are also not properly guided to choose a career which can give them returns,” says professor of sociology at M.S University, N.Rajaram. There is a dearth of good schools and colleges managed by Muslims in Gujarat. General schools and colleges are expensive for Muslims as most of the students come from lower middle class families and students from economically weak Muslim families do not get a chance to get on in life. This situation demands intervention from the Central government in terms of financial grants, infrastructure development and policy amendments. The small number of Muslim-run schools is due to impediments involved in obtaining government grants as well as permission for opening educational institutions. To solve the problem, education for Muslim girls till graduation should be made free of cost, 66
  • 67. apart from establishing schools in Muslim dominated areas on the pattern of Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya and primary Schools and professional courses in madrasas. A study by Dr. Ibrahim B. Syed, Ph.D analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of Public, Parochial, Private non-parochial, Islamic, Virtual Islamic, or Home Schools in the United States. Education is the birth right of every Muslim and Muslimah. Islam puts considerable emphasis on its followers to acquire knowledge. Investment in education is the best investment one can make, because it eventually leads to intellectual property. Intellectual property is the intangible property, which no one can steal or destroy. This is the property on which no Government can levy a tax. It was as a result of application of knowledge that Muslims were the superpower of the world for twelve centuries. Today, globally Muslims have the lowest literacy rate. Education of Muslim children in the west has both opportunities and challenges. In the Western World the purpose of education is to provide for the economic prosperity of a nation. At a personal level the purpose of education is to acquire academic and professional skills that enable one to earn a respectable living with riches and fame, and also a luxurious and comfortable life. For a Muslim providing economic prosperity of a nation does not contradict his/her Islamic beliefs, however focusing the goals of education solely for the purpose of money making is unpalatable. Muslims want to impart Islamic education. "Education should aim at the balanced growth of the total personality of man through training of the human spirit, intellect, rational self, feelings and senses. The training imparted to a Muslim must be such that faith is infused into the whole of his/her personality and creates in him/her an emotional attachment to Islam and enables him to follow the Qur'an and Sunnah and be governed by Islamic system of values willingly and joyfully so that he/she may proceed to the realization of his/her status as Khalifatullah to whom God has promised the authority of the universe." Problems in Islamic Schools • No Adaab or Islamic etiquette or behavior 67
  • 68. • Parents want teachers to be lenient • Some girls and boys meet secretly in the basement. • They have girl-friends and boy-friends • They do smoke • Profanity is written on the walls, desks, blackboards, etc. • Behave roughly: laughing, talking, screaming, rip off their Hijab on the buses. • Discipline: Behavior is no different from the Public Schools. • Teachers are not fair. Spoiled kids as their parents are rich or important • Less school activities for girls. Little opportunity to interact with other students. • Islamic schools are running without an Islamic curriculum, often without a syllabus • No textbooks. • No qualified and trained teachers or certified teachers. (Quality in education is not possible without good teachers.) • Those who attend Muslim high schools do not fare better in college. • Non-Muslim teachers who are qualified and certified. (Live-in boyfriend, rejects institution of marriage. Wear tight and revealing outfit. Promote gay agenda, anti-religion agenda, or insensitive to Islamic values and events) • Qualified and certified Muslim teachers work in Public schools. As Islamic schools do not offer viable salaries, benefits (pension health benefits, etc.) • When they leave Islamic schools and graduate from colleges, some of them, they do marry non-Muslims as the Muslim community and their parents have exerted zero influence on them. • Chronic shortage of space, science labs, auditoriums, gyms, playgrounds, libraries, bathrooms. • High turnover rate (30 to 40 percent annually) of teachers. • Parents' fear Islamic schools trade off academics for Islamic environment. • Organization, planning and discipline -suffer most in Islamic schools. • Governance is the big reason why most Islamic schools suffer • Do not develop an autonomous and unique decision-making (governance) structure • School Boards require training in how to run a school • School Boards rarely include women 68
  • 69. • Parents do not play a part in Governance structure • No qualified administrators • Some parents worry Islamic schools offer an inferior quality of education. • Children are not prepared to face competitiveness and the challenges of the modern world. • Seriously lacking in Muslim literature and culture. • For many Muslim families, Islamic schools are not affordable. • In sparse Muslim population areas, Islamic schools are not financially viable. • Very few trained Muslim teachers in special education or none 69
  • 70. DATA ANALYSIS & INTERPRETATION 70
  • 71. Data A Analysis and Inter a rpretatio on Table No 3.1 Famil o. ly Fr requency Percent 42 84.0 Joint J 8 16.0 Total T 50 100.0 Valid N Nuclear Chart No. 1 Ty ype of Fam mily 45 40 35 30 25 Type of Family % 84% 20 15 10 16% 5 0 Nuclear Joint above chart indicates, fr rom all resp pondents 84% of the respondents b % belong to nu uclear As the a family an 16% fami belongs f nd ily from joint fa amily. 71
  • 72. able No. 3.2 Occupation 2 Ta Freque ency Pe ercent 35 70.0 7 Job 8 16.0 Farmi ing 7 14.0 Total 50 100.0 1 Valid Busin V ness Chart No.2 C Oc ccupation 35 30 25 20 70% Occupa ation 15 10 16% 5 14 4% 0 Business Job Farming From the above char it can be de e rt epicted that from the sel lected respon ndents’ main three typ of nly pes occupatio having which are B ons w Business, Job and Farmin In that 7 b ng. 70% which i majority o the is of responde ents having their own b business, 16 of the r 6% respondents doing job and 14% o the of responde doing fa ents arming. 72
  • 73. Table No. 3.3 Income Frequency Percent Valid 2,000-4,000 9 18.0 5,000-7,000 17 34.0 8,000-11,000 21 42.0 12,000-15,000 3 6.0 Total 50 100.0 Chart No. 3 Income 25 20 42% 15 5 Income 34% 10 18% 6% 0 2,000‐4,000 5,000‐7,000 8,000‐11,000 12,000‐15,000 The above chart and table shows that from the all respondents 18% of respondents having ` 2,000/- to ` 4,000/- monthly income, and 34% of the respondents having ` 5,000/- to ` 7,000/- and majority of the respondents which is 42% having ` 8,000 to ` 11,000/- monthly income and the least respondents which is 6% having ` 12,000/- to ` 15,000/- monthly income. 73
  • 74. o. ly Table No 3.4 Famil Income Freque ency Pe ercent 21 42.0 4 5,000-9,000 5 7 14.0 10,000-14,00 1 00 13 3 26.0 2 15,000-19,00 1 00 4 8.0 20,000-24,00 2 00 5 10.0 Total T 50 0 100.0 1 Valid N contribut No tion Chart No. 4 Family In ncome 25 20 15 10 5 42% 26% 14% Family Income 8 8% 10% % 0 The abov chart and table indicat the total family incom majority of the respo ve tes me, y ondents, i.e. 42% responde ents are child dren who ar not contri re ibuting any k kind of effo in the fam income and ort mily e, 14% of r respondents’ family inco ome go up to ` 5,000/- to ` 9,000/- th o o hrough child dren contribu ution, 36% of t responde the ents having `10,000/- to `14,000/- m o monthly fam income 8% is the least mily e, group of the respon f ndents who having `15, ,000/- to `19 9,000/- fam mily income and 10% o the of responde having highest famil income `2 ents h ly 20,000/- to `2 24,000/-. 74
  • 75. Ta able No. 3.5 Children ar getting ed re ducation Freq quency Percent 34 68.0 1 10 20.0 2 6 12.0 To otal 50 100.0 Valid No one Chart No. 5 Ch hildren are gettin ng educa ation 35 30 25 20 Children are getting  on educatio 68% 15 10 20% 5 12 2% 0 None One Two o From the above tabl it can be depicted tha from the a responde e le at all ents 68% of the respond dents’ children are not get tting educati while 20 of the r ion 0% respondents’ only one child are ge etting education and 12% of the respon n o ndents’ two c children are getting educ cation. 75
  • 76. Table No 3.6 No. of children d o. f dropped edu ucation in th family he Fre equency Percent Valid 1 11 22.0 2 19 38.0 3 or more 20 40.0 Total T 50 100.0 Chart No. 6 No. of ch hildren dro opped edu ucation in t the family 20 18 16 14 12 38% % 10 40% No. of f dropped  8 6 22% 4 2 0 1 2 3 or more As above chart and table indica that from all the re e ates m espondents 2 22% of the r respondents’ one child has dropped th education, 38% of the respondent two child s he e ts’ dren have dr ropped educ cation while majority of th responde he ents that is 40%, their 3 or more children h have dropped the d n. education 76
  • 77. Table No 3.7 Gende of children who drop o. er pped educa ation Fre equency Percent 30 60.0 Female 20 40.0 Total T 50 100.0 Valid M Male Chart no o.7 Gende er of childr ren who dr ropped ed ducation 30 60 0% 25 20 40% % Who dropped? 15 10 5 0 Male Female As the ab bove chart revealed that from the all responden 60% of t responde are male and r t nts the ents e 40% of th responden are fema he nts ale. 77
  • 78. o. f d n y Table No 3.8 No. of male child drop out in the family Frequency Percent 11 22.0 1 15 30.0 2 21 42.0 3 or more 3 6.0 Total T 50 100.0 Valid N None Chart No.8 No. of male child drop out in t the family 25 20 15 42% 10 Male e dropped 30% 5 22% 6% 0 None 1 2 3 or more From the above table and chart it can be depicted that fro the all re e e t om espondents 2 22% of the fa amily having n male chil who have dropped ed no ld e ducation wh 30% of the family having only one hile f y male child who has dropped edu ucation, 42% of the resp % pondents ha aving two m male children who n have drop pped educat tion and 6% are respond dents who ha 3 or mor male child ave re dren in the fa amily who have dropped ed e ducation. 78
  • 79. o. f ild t ily Table No 3.9 No. of female chi drop out in the fami Frequency Percent 16 32.0 1 27 54.0 2 4 8.0 3 or more 3 6.0 Total T 50 100.0 Valid N None Chart No. 9 No. o of female c child drop out in the family 30 25 20 15 10 Female e dropped 54% 32% 5 8% 6% 0 None 1 2 3 or more From the above table and chart it can be depicted that fro the all re e e t om espondents 3 32% of the fa amily having n female ch who hav dropped e no hild ve education w while 54% of the family having only one f y female ch who has dropped ed hild s ducation, 8% of the resp % pondents hav ving two fem children who male n have dro opped educa ation and 6% are respon % ndents who have 3 or m more female children in the e n family w have dropped educat who tion. 79
  • 80. o. p the ds Table No 3.10 Drop out after t standard Frequenc cy Percent t Valid 7 class 12 24.0 8 class 7 14.0 9 class 7 14.0 10 1 class 24 48.0 Total T 50 100.0 Chart No. 10 Drop out after the s standards 25 20 15 48% 10 Afte er which  stan ndard 24% 5 14% 14% 8 class 9 class 0 7 class 10 0 class As the ab bove table and chart indicates that 24% of the respondent dropped a a e ts after 7th stan ndard, 14% of the responde dropped after 8th sta ents d andard and a after 9th standard an majority o the also nd of h responde which id 48% dropp after 10th standard. ents d ped 80
  • 81. Table No. 3.11 Past scholastic performance Frequency Percent Valid 45%-49% 7 14.0 50%-54% 23 46.0 55%-59% 15 30.0 60%-64% 3 6.0 70%-74% 2 4.0 Total 50 100.0 Chart No. 11 Past scholastic performance 25 20 15 46% How much % were coming? 10 30% 5 14% 6% 4%  60%‐64% 70%‐74% 0 45%‐49% 50%‐54% 55%‐59% As above chart and table indicates that 14% of the respondents passed between 45% and 49% and majority of the respondents that is 46% had passed between 50% and 54%, 30% of the respondents passed 55% and 59%, 6% of the respondents passed 60% and 64%,while 4% of the respondents passed with 70% to 74%. 81
  • 82. Table No. 3.12 Personal reasons for leaving school Frequency Valid None Percent 16 11 No further facility to study in school Total 10.0 50 Low I.Q. level 2.0 5 Fail 34.0 1 study 22.0 17 Child doesn't like 32.0 100.0 Chart No. 12 Personal reasons for leaving school 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 34% 32% 22% 10% 2% None Child doesn't  like study Fail Personal reasons  for leaving school Low I.Q. level No further  facility to  study in  school As the above chart and table revealed that 32% of the respondents have none of the personal reasons effecting, 22% of the respondents dropped the education because of the child doesn’t like study, 34% of the respondents dropped the education because of being fail, 2% of the respondents dropped the education because of low I.Q. level and 10% of the respondents dropped the education because of no further facility to study in the same school. 82
  • 83. o. nomic Reaso for leav ons ving school Table No 3.13 Econ Frequency Valid None N Low family inco L ome Total T Percent 42 84.0 8 16.0 50 100.0 Chart No. 13 As the a above chart and table in ndicates that 84% of the responden have not any econom t nts t mical reasons f leaving the school an 16% of t responde have dro for t nd the ents opped the ed ducation bec cause of low level of family income. y 83
  • 84. o. ool reasons for l leaving scho ool Table No 3.14 Scho related r Frequency Valid N None Percent 48 96.0 1 2.0 1 2.0 50 100.0 For F migratio on, difficult to get d g admission in school a n School education isn't S useful u Total T Chart No. 14 School related re easons for r leaving sc chool 2% 2% 2 None e 96% For m migration, diffic cult to  get ad dmission in sch hool Schoo ol education isn't  usefu ul As the ab bove chart and table ind a dicates that 9 96% of the respondents have not an school re s ny elated reason fo leaving th school, 2% of the respondents ge migrated a it was d or he % et and difficult to ge the et admission in the scho so dropp the educ ool ped cation and 2% of the respondents tho % ought that sc chool n ul eer. education isn’t usefu for the care 84
  • 85. Table No. 3.15 Social reasons for leaving school Frequency Valid None Needed in the family business-farming Family against of education Early marriages for girls Friends also didn’t go to school No girl company for girls Total Percent 30 60.0 2 4.0 11 22.0 1 2.0 4 8.0 2 50 4.0 100.0 Chart No.15 Social reasons for leaving school No girl company  for girls 4% Early marriages  for girls 2% Family against of  education 22% Friends also  didn’t go to  school 8% None 60% Needed in the  family business‐ farming 4% As the above chart and table indicates that 60% of the respondents have not any social reasons for dropping the education, 22% of the respondents because of family members objected, 8% of the respondents dropped the education because friends were also not used to go t o the school, 4% of the respondents dropped the education because two reasons (1) no girl company for the girl to go school and (2) child was needed in the family business-farming and 2% of the respondents dropped the education because early marriages for girls. 85
  • 86. o. gious reason for leavin school ns ng Table No 3.16 Relig Frequenc cy Valid N None Percent t 48 1 Muslim scho is M ool near n Total T 2.0 50 Madresa M 2.0 1 Not N further facility in f 96.0 100.0 Chart No. 16 Re eligious rea asons for l leaving sch hool 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 96% 9 2% None Not further facility y  in Madresa i 2% 2 Muslim sc chool is  near Religious reasons for leaving school As the ab bove chart an table indi nd icates that 96 of the respondents have not any religious rea 6% asons for dropp ping the scho 2% of th responden have drop ool, he nts pped the edu ucation for n the furthe not er facility in the Madres and 2% of the respond n sa dents droppe the educa ed ation because the Muslim e m school w not near to the houses was t s. 86
  • 87. o. d’s ping out the education e Table No 3.17 Child activity after dropp Frequency Valid At home Percent 26 52.0 5 10.0 15 30.0 Other 4 8.0 Total 50 100.0 Job Business s Chart No. 17 Child’s a activity a after dro opping o out 30 25 20 15 52% 10 30% 5 10% % 8% 0 At home Job Business Other O As the ab bove chart and table ind a dicates that 52% of the respondents children a at home after s’ are dropping the education, 10% of t responde g the ents’ children are doing j job, 30% of the respond f dents’ children are doing bu usiness after dropping th education and 8% of t responde he the ents’ children are n doing oth work afte dropping the educatio like gettin training or else. her er on ng r 87
  • 88. o. e Table No 3.18 Type of job Freq quency Valid L Labour Percent 45 90.0 Supervisor S 3 6.0 Mechanic M 2 4.0 50 100.0 Total T Chart No. 18 Ty ype of jo ob 50 40 30 90 0% 20 10 6% 4% % Supervisor S Mechan nic 0 Labou ur Which type of j W job? As the ab bove chart an table indi nd icates that 90 of the respondents’ c 0% children are doing labou ur type of w work, 6% of the responde t ents’ childre are doing supervisor ty of job an 4% of the en ype nd e responde doing mechanic type of work. ents m e 88
  • 89. o. h chool Table No 3.19 Wish to go to sc Frequency Valid Y Yes Percent 28 56.0 No N 22 44.0 Total T 50 100.0 Chart No. 19 Wish h to go to s school 30 25 20 15 56% 44% 10 5 0 Yes No Do y you like to go a at school From the above table and chart i can be dep e e it picted that 56% of the re espondents are still like to go to school and 44% of the respond l f dents do not like to go to school. o 89
  • 90. Table No. 3.20 If yes, then efforts for it Frequency Valid Not tried Percent 42 84.0 3 6.0 3 6.0 2 4.0 50 100.0 Will try to give exam Tried but unsuccessful Will try to provide training Total Chart No. 20 If yes, then efforts for it Tried but  Will try to  unsuccessful 6% give exam 6% Will try to  provide  training 4% Not tried 84% From the above table and chart it can be depicted that 84% of the respondents have not any try for getting back to the school, 6% of the respondents tried but they didn’t get success and the same number of the respondents will try to give the exam and 4% of the respondents will try provide any vocational training to their children. 90
  • 91. o. ation Table No 3.21 Advantage of educa Freque ency Valid Y Yes Percent P 40 80.0 No N 10 20.0 Total T 50 100.0 Chart No. 21 Advantage of ed A ducation n  40 0 35 5 30 0 25 5 20 0 15 5 10 0 5 0 80% 20% Yes No Is any ad dvantage of ed ducation?  As the a above chart and table indicates th 80% of the respon t hat f ndents thoug that the is ght ere advantag of educa ges ation and 20% of the respondents thought th there is not any kin of hat nd advantag of the edu ges ucation. 91
  • 92. o. her onTable No 3.22 High educatio a better position in the society Frequency y Percen nt Yes Y 46 92.0 No N Valid 4 8.0 50 100.0 Total T Chart No. 22 Higher education‐ a be etter pos sition in  th he socie ety 50 40 30 20 10 0 92% 8% Yes No Higher educat tion‐ a better p position in society As the a above chart and table in ndicates that 92% of th responden thought higher educ t he nts cation gives a b better positio in the so on ociety and 8% of the res % spondents th hought that higher educ cation doesn’t g a better position in t society. give the 92
  • 93. Table No. 3.23 Impact of higher education on child’s mind Frequency Valid Yes Percent 17 34.0 No 33 66.0 Total 50 100.0 Chart No. 23 Impact of higher education on child’s mind Yes No 34% 66% From the above table and chart it can be depicted that 66% of the respondents perceive that there is not any side effect of the education on the child’s mind and 34% of the respondents thought that there is side effect of the education on the child’s mind. 93
  • 94. o. e Table No 3.24 Type of effects Frequency Valid N None Percent P 34 68.0 0 Mental effec M ct 16 32.0 0 Total T 50 100.0 0 Chart No. 24 Typ pe of effec cts  35 30 25 20 15 68% % 10 Which typ pe of  affects?  32% 5 0 None M Mental effect As the ab bove chart an table indi nd icates that 68 of the respondents th 8% hink that not any kind of side t f effect hap ppen with hi igher educat tion getting s students and 32% of the respondents think that there d s is mental effect happ l pens with hig gher educatio getting st on tudents. 94
  • 95. Table No. 3.25 Higher education- less religiousness Frequency Valid Yes Percent 6 12.0 No 44 88.0 Total 50 100.0 Chart No. 25 Higher education‐ less religiousness  Yes No 12% 88% From the above table and chart it can be depicted that 88% of the respondents don’t think that through getting higher education less religiousness is happened and 12% of the respondents think that through getting higher education less religiousness is happened. 95
  • 96. o. cation - cha ange in life Table No 3.26 Educ Frequenc cy Valid Percen nt Yes 50 100 No 0 0 50 100 Total Chart No.26 ion ‐ chang ge in life Educati 50 40 30 100 0% Educa ation ‐ chang ge in life 20 10 0% 0 Yes No From the above table and chart it can be depi e e t icted that tot responden means 1 tal nts’ 100% think t that education gets chang in the life. n ge . 96
  • 97. Table No. 3.27 Types of changes in the life Frequency Percent Valid Helps in social & daily life Not cheated Making license & other Helps in social & economic life Helps in read & write Helps in roaming & tour Helps to handle all problem Think well than uneducated Total Chart No. 27 Types of changes in the life 7 4 Helps in  roaming &  tour 2% 8.0 3 6.0 17 34.0 14 28.0 1 2.0 3 6.0 1 2.0 50 Helps to handle  all problem 6% 14.0 100.0 Helps in  Think well than  social &  uneducated daily life 2% 14% Not cheated 8% Helps in  read &  write 28% Making license  & other 6% Helps in social &  economic life 34% As the above chart and table indicates that 62% of the respondents think that education helps in the social & economical life and in reading & writing, 14% of the respondents think that education helps in social and in daily life, 10% of the respondents think that educated people can think well than uneducated people and nobody can cheat them, 8% of the respondents think that education helps in making license for driving and roaming or in tour and 6% of the respondent think that education helps to handle all the problem. 97
  • 98. o. vided vocati ional educat tion to the c child Table No 3.28 Prov Frequency Valid Y Yes Per rcent 18 8 36.0 No N 32 2 64.0 Total T 50 0 100.0 Chart No. 28 Provid ded vocational education to th he child 35 30 25 20 64% 15 10 36% Provided vocational  n to child? education 5 0 Yes No From the above tab and cha it can be depicted that 36% o the respo e ble art of ondents prov vided vocationa education to the chil while 64% of the res al n ld % spondents h have not pro ovided vocat tional education to their chi n ild. 98
  • 99. o. ception abou providing vocational education ut g l Table No 3.29 Perc Frequency Percent Valid N applicab Not ble 18 36.0 Yes Y 11 22.0 No N 21 42.0 Total T 50 100.0 Chart No.29 Perceptio P on abou ut provid ding  vocat tional ed ducation n 25 20 15 10 42 2% 36% 22% % 5 do you lik ke to  provide it t? 0 Not applicable e Yes No o As the ab bove chart and table indicates that 36% of the respondent are not ap a e ts pplicable bec cause they have already pr rovided this vocation ed ducation, 22% of the res spondents w want to provide it while 42% of the resp % pondents do want to p on’t provide the v vocational education. 99
  • 100. o. ference to th type of ed he ducation Table No 3.30 Prefe Frequen ncy Valid V Vocational Percen nt 37 education e Total T 26.0 50 Degree level D l 74.0 13 education e 100.0 Chart No.30 Prefe erence to t the type of f education 40 35 30 25 20 74 4% 15 10 26% % Which  ation do  educa you p preferred? 5 0 Vocational ed ducation Degree leve el  education As the a above chart and table indicates th 74% of the respon t hat f ndents’ pref ferred vocat tional education and 26% of the respon n o ndents prefer rred degree level educati ion. 100
  • 101. o. cation - pro ovided to gir rls Table No 3.31 Educ Fre equency Percent Valid Y Yes 47 3 Total T 6.0 50 No N 94.0 100.0 Chart No. 31 on ‐ Educatio provided to girls 50 45 40 35 30 25 Education ‐ provided  p … 94 4% 20 15 10 5 6% % 0 Yes No From the above tabl and chart it can be depicted that 94% of the respondent think that they e le e ts t should educate to th girl chil and 6% o the respo heir ld of ondents don’t think to e educate their girl r child. 101
  • 102. Table No. 3.32 If yes, then the level of education Frequency Percent Valid Illiterate 3 6.0 26 52.0 12 24.0 Graduate 6 12.0 Post graduate 3 6.0 50 100.0 Secondary Higher secondary Total Chart No. 32 If yes, then the level of education Post graduate 6% Illiterate 6% Graduate 12% Higher  secondary 24% Secondary 52% As the above chart and table indicates that 6% of the respondents think not to provide any level of education, 52% of the respondents think to educate their child up to secondary level, 24% of the respondents think to educate their child up to higher secondary level, 12% of the respondents think to educate their child up to graduate level and 6% of the respondents think to educate their child up to post graduate level. 102
  • 103. Table No. 3.3 Educated girls - per T 33 d rmission to d job do Fre equency Valid V Percent Yes 15 1 30.0 No o 35 3 70.0 Tot tal 50 5 100.0 Chart No. 33 C 3 ated girls ‐ permissio ‐ on to do jo ob Educa 35 30 25 20 70% 15 10 30% Educated gir rls ‐ permission t to do  job? 5 0 Yes No As the ab bove chart and table ind a dicates that 30% of the respondents think to gi permission to s ive their edu ucated girl child to do a job and re of 70% o the respo c est of ondents think to not giv the k ve permissio to their ed on ducated girl child to do a job. 103
  • 104. MAJOR FINDINGS 104
  • 105. Major Findings The study was conducted on dropout among middle class Muslim families. For this study researcher collected the data from Kothawa Dargah village, in this village dropout ratio is high which exposed through this study so following are the major findings. Economic Status: • It has been found that 70% of the respondents’ has their own business, and these businesses are small level of business which can be said that self employed. A area of study famous for the Sufi Dargah and near this Dargah there are many villagers established flower shop though this shops from the total respondents 42% of the respondents have been earning ` 8,000 to ` 11,000/- monthly income. • After dropping the education 42% of children are not contributing any way in the family income, they remain at home only. Educational Status: • From the total respondents 88% of the respondents (children’s father) attended school but from these 88% respondents 70% of the respondents having only primary level of education, this can be one reason for the low level of the education of children and high rate of dropouts. • It is found that 68% of the respondents’ children are not getting education and simultaneously it is also observed that these are the children whose parents also have very low level of education and 78% of respondents’ 2 to 3 or more children have dropped the education and one thing also observed that after getting failed in the exam students didn’t try to get back in the school and whoever tried but he/she, specially male children have not try to do hard work to pass the exam, and in this matter this reason works with mostly boys not with girls because girls do not fail normally. • This study says that 60% of the respondents are male who dropped the education and 40% of the respondents are female who dropped the education and the whole Gujarat dropout rate is for the boys 56.24% and for the girls 62.25% and this dropout rate reduced from previous years because of Gujarat Government’s schemes as declared in the Times of India news paper dated 20th April, 2011. In these families 72% of the respondents 105
  • 106. having one or two male children who have dropped education and 54% of the respondents’ family having only one female child who has dropped education. • This study’s one variable is that respondents should not below the standard 7th and not up to 10th standard, and in the 21st April, 2011’s Times of India published the data of dropout rate which also told that the dropout rate is very high between 7th standard and 10th standard, and this study also describe that 48% of the respondents’ children dropped after 10th standard. This is also found that 76% students of the respondents dropped the education while their past scholastic performance was from 50% to 59%. Reasons for dropping the education: • This study tells that one of the main reasons behind the high rate of dropout is being failure, 34% of the respondents dropped the education specially after 10th due to failure, the dropout rate very high, in the boys as they prefer sports more than study, and there is no study atmosphere. This finding is in similarity with the Indian Government’s survey that dropout rate between class IX and X is higher. • As normally people thought that low education status or low literacy rate is happen generally because of financial problem, but as the 25th February in the Times of India said that Muslims doing exceedingly well in The Gujarat, this report matches with the study’s finding which is 84% of the respondents have not any economical reasons for dropping the school • In this study, this finding is also tells that 96% of the respondents have not any school related reason for dropping the school. • For the reasons of dropping the education in that 60% of the respondents have not any social reasons for dropping the education and 22% of the respondents dropped the education because of family members objected and these are mostly Girl Childs, girls dropout rate high because of this reason here Muslims culture or orthodox mentality came out. • Through this study it comes out that Muslims count, education does not lead to less religiousness so 96% of the respondents have not any religious reasons for dropping the school. 106
  • 107. After Dropping the School: • After dropping the school 52% of the respondents’ children are at home and they are not doing anything not any type training or not contributing in the family income in this case there boys also but girls are more than boys because they are not permitted to do a job or to get more education while 40% of the respondents’ children are helping in their family income through doing a job or help in the family business. Perception of respondents about education: • 56% of the respondents are still like to go to school but from them majority, 84% of the respondents have not done any effort in getting back to the school, education is very important for life which shows that 80% of the respondents thought that there are advantages of education. • Having low level of education among this community then also 92% of the respondents thought higher education gives a better position in the society, and there is a quote which is very shock able that through getting higher education people got negative effect on their mind then also 66% of the respondents perceive that there is not any side effect of the higher education on the child’s mind. • It is saying and some studies proved that Muslims are narrow minded or very orthodox about school education then also 88% of the respondents don’t think that through getting higher education less religiousness is happened. • This is one of very genuine finding that 100% of the respondents think that education brings change in the life; education helps in every step in the life which shows through this finding that 62% of the respondents think that education helps in the social & economical life. • 14% of the respondents have not used the vocation after getting the vocation education therefore it has not been useful for anything to them, and through this study researcher comes to know that father’s education level concern with the selection of type of education in which 74% of the respondents’ preferred vocational education while 26% of the respondents preferred degree level education. 107
  • 108. • Now-a-days Muslims mind have also getting broadening which shows that 94% of the respondents think that they should educate to their girl child but 52% of the respondents think to educate to their girl child up to secondary level, and here Muslims’ mind-set come in to the reality and Muslim culture relate with that 70% of the respondents think to not give the permission to their educated girl child to do a job. 108
  • 109. CONCLUSION & SUGGESTIONS 109
  • 110. Conclusion & Suggestions Conclusion Our Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh has given the statement about the development of the country in that statement he told that if we want to make our country fully developed then we have to bring those communities in the front with the running world who remain undeveloped like minorities, SCs, STs, and other backward communities. Muslims are the second largest community in India. Muslims are also human resource for the development of the country if one or more than one community remains undeveloped then nobody can developed or says that the country is developed because for the country you need to develop the whole unit therefore Mr. Prime Minister emphasis on the education of the minorities because through that only any community can be developed. Through this study researcher came to know that somehow the reason works behind low education among Muslims is their own will to educate their child and child’s willing to get education and for the girls dropout mainly family members against to educate girl child behind this mentality the reason is they afraid of about the security of girl child and society spread wrong talks for her. There are some families who make dropped their girl child because there was not other girl who could give company to their young child. Then also Government of Gujarat claims in the Times of India (25-2-2011) that Muslims’ rate of literacy in Gujarat is 73.5% compared to the national average of 59.1 per cent. The article says that “the Muslim community in Gujarat has kept with the progress in the state”. Government need to co-ordinate policy at macro level and implement at micro level to increase the rate of literacy among deprived minorities. 110
  • 111. Suggestions • Parents should take care for children’s school education that they are going to school or not and they should motivate their children about getting higher education. • Muslims should make their mind broad and they should send their girl child also up to at least graduate or HSC level. 111
  • 112. BIBLIOGRAPHY 112
  • 113. Bibliography Books: • Khan, Mumtaz Ali, 1984, “Muslims in the process of rural development in India (A study of karnataka)”, Uppal Publishing house, New Delhi, 110002. • Rana Tahseen, 1993, “Education and Modernization of Muslims in India”, Deep & deep publications, New Delhi, 110027. • Zafar Imam, 1975, “Muslims In India”, Orient Longman. • Pandey, Prem narayan, 1988, “Education and social mobility”, Daya publishing house. • Khalidi, Omar, “Indian Muslims since Independence”, Vikas Publishing house Pvt. Ltd. • Rehman, M.M., 1992, “Society economy & education of the deprived”, Anupama Publications, Delhi. • Ahemad, Aijszuddin, 1993, “Muslims in India- Their educational demographic & socioeconomic status”, inter – India, New delhi. Download from Websites: • http://www.indiastudychannel.com/resources/98106-Problems-Education-amongMuslims-India.aspx • http://www.okhlatimes.com/news • http://www.islamicvoice.com/February2007/SpecialReport/ • http://www.islamfortoday.com • http://esaconf.un.org/wb • http://www.biharanjuman.org/coaching_to_minimize_drop-outs.html • Muslim literacy rate of Surat - Google Search • District-specific Literates and Literacy Rates, 2001- Google Search • Human development index of Gujarat - Google Search • Educational Deprivation of Muslims Revisiting Sachar Report (INDIA) - Google Search. 113
  • 114. APPENDIX 114
  • 115. Appendix Topic: Causative factors for dropout among middle class Muslim families: A case from Kothawa Sr. No.: Date: - - 2011 I am pleased to share with you that the purpose of this communication is to place a special word of request to share your valuable time to fill up given below questions. Please note that the information provided by you would be kept strictly confidential and would not be analyzed on an individual basis. Your kind cooperation and valuable support in our academic endeavor shall be highly appreciated. Thank you for your kind cooperation. 1). Personal Information: Name : Age: Gender : Phone No.: 2). Native place: 3). From how many years you stay at here? 4). Type of house: 1. kachha 2. pakka 3. Semi-pakka 5). Type of family: 1. Nuclear 2. Joint 115
  • 116. Sr. No. 1 Name & relation Age with respondent Education Occupation Income 2 3 4 5 6). Occupation: 7). Monthly Income: 8). Have you attended school? 1. Yes 2. No 9). Education Level: 1. Illiterate 5. Technical 2. Primary 6. Graduate 3. Secondary 7. Post- Graduate 4. Higher Secondary 8. Professional 10). How many children are getting education in your family? 1, 2, 3, 4, ( ) 116
  • 117. 11). Details of children who dropped education: Sr. No. Gender Age How many years before After which How many percentages you dropped standard you were you getting in the education? dropped? study? 1 2 3 4 5 12). Reasons for leaving school: (1). Personal reasons: 1) Because child doesn’t like to learn. ( ) 2) Because child was failed ( ) 3) Due to low I.Q. level ( ) 4) Because there wasn’t facility for further study ( ) 1) Due to high education fees ( ) 2) Due to high tuition fees. ( ) 3) Due to high expenses of transportation ( ) 4) Due to high fees & expenses of hostel ( ) 5) Due to low family income ( ) (2). Economic Reasons: (3). School Related Reasons : 1) Because of migration, it was difficult to get admission in the school so child left the study. ( ) 2) They don’t teach well in the school. ( ) 117
  • 118. 3) It was difficult to get admission in the school because I didn’t have L. C. ( ) 4) Education of school is not useful to get a job or stand on their own feet. ( ) (4). Social Reasons: 1) Sever sickness in the family ( ) 2) The responsibility of bringing up siblings ( ) 3) Because the child was needed in agriculture- family business ( ) 4) Family members were against of education ( ) 5) Early marriages of girl child ( ) 6) The education of girl child will be benefited for the others ( ) 7) An education does not provide a business or a service ( ) 8) A child has friends who didn’t go to school ( ) 1) Having education decreases religiousness ( ) 2) Because there wasn’t facility for further study in Madresa ( ) 3) Because there was not a Muslim school near to our house ( ) 4) Because of co-education of boys and girls in the school ( ) (5) Religious Reasons: Perceptions 1) What does your child do after leaving school -At home ( ) -Job ( ) - Business ( ) 2). Do you like to go at school (Y/N) ( ) 3. If yes, which effort? ___________________________ 4. Is any advantage of education? (Y/N) ( ) 5. Do you think that higher education gives person a better position in the society? (Y/N) ( ) 6. Do you think that higher education affects on child’s mind? 118
  • 119. (Y/N) ( ) 7. If yes, which type of affects? _______________________________ 8. Do you think that due to high education children do not remain religious? (Y/N) ( ) 9. Does education make any change in life? (Y/N) ( ) 10. If yes, in which matter? ____________________________ 11. (23) Have you provided vocational education to your child? (Y/N) ( ) 11. 1. If no, do you like to provide it? (Y/N) ( ) 11.2. If yes, has it been useful for anything? (Y/N) ( ) 11.2.1. If no, why it has not been useful for anything? ____________________________________________ 12. In which type of education you are interested? -Vocational Education ( ) -Degree level education ( ) 13. Do you thing that education should be provided to girls? (Y/N) ( ) 14. If yes, how much education she should have? 1. Primary ( ) 4. Technical ( ) 2. Secondary ( ) 5. Graduate ( ) 3. Higher Secondary ( ) 6. Post- Graduate ( ) 15. Should educated girls have permission to do job? (Y/N) ( ) THANKS……………. 119

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