“ A command is simply an expression by one person of the desire that another person should do or abstain from doing some action, accompanied by a threat of punishment, which is likely to follow disobedience. Commands are laws if two conditions are satisfied, first they must be general; second they must be commanded by what (…) exists in every political society whatever its constitutional arrangement form, namely, a person, or a group of persons, who are in receipt of habitual obedience from most of the society but pay no such obedience to others. These persons are its sovereign. Thus law is the command of the un-commanded commanders of society-the creation of the legally untrammeled will of the sovereign who by definition is outside the law.” 
 H.L.A Hart “Positivism and the Separation between Law and Morality” in David Dyzenhaus and Arthur Ripstein. Law and Morality: Readings in Legal Philosophy. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001:44-45).
Hobbes argued the problem of the legitimacy hypothetically as a condition that exists in the "state of nature" when men are governed by “natural law.”
In the absence of a central government, Hobbes argues, individuals live in a perpetual state of uncertainty resulting from a continuous state of war, what Hobbes calls the war of everyman against everyman.
The war of everyman against everyman in Hobbes hypothetical condition is born out of equality, since in the case of difference there will be peace as the strong will dominate and the weak will submit. 
 Michel Foucault. Society Must be Defended (New York: Picador, 1997: 90-92).
Men out of the fear of death, and the desire to live in peace and security, give up their liberties by delegating their law making and execution powers granted to them by the “law of nature,” to a man amongst equals. By this power, this man is sovereign, this power gives him the authority to make law, while himself by assuming sovereign authority, falls outside the rule of law. 
Hobbes’ discourse in the Leviathan sought to rationalize the problem of the legitimacy of sovereignty during the religious conflicts that engulfed Europe, arguing that rebellion against sovereignty is contrary to reason, where reason can only be derived from the rule of the contractual law by which men gave up to their civil and political freedoms and rights to a sovereign. 
 David Dyzenhaus and Arthur Ripstein, “Thomas Hobbes 1851 Leviathan”, Law and Morality: Readings in Legal Philosophy , (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001, 11-13).
 David Dyzenhaus and Arthur Ripstein, “Thomas Hobbes 1851 Leviathan,” Law and Morality: Readings in Legal Philosophy , (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001, 16).
Rousseau's most important work is The Social Contract, which outlines the basis for a legitimate political order within a framework of classical republicanism.
Rousseau argues that sovereignty (or the power to make the laws) should be in the hands of the people.
Rousseau also makes a sharp distinction between the sovereign and the government. The government is composed of magistrates, charged with implementing and enforcing the general will. The "sovereign" is the rule of law, ideally decided on by direct democracy in an assembly.
Political parties base their political action and program on an ideology.
Political Ideology is a certain set of ideals, principles, myths, or symbols of a social movement, institution, class, or large group that explains how society should work , and offers some political and cultural blueprint for a certain social order.
A political ideology largely concerns itself with how to allocate power and to what ends it should be used.
Some parties follow a certain ideology very closely, while others may take broad inspiration from a group of related ideologies without specifically embracing any one of them.
Islamic revivalism was an intellectual movement led by Jamal al-Din Al Afghani.
Al Afghani sought to revive Islam towards the end of the eighteenth centaury and early nineteenth centauries.
The modernists were led by Jamal al-Din Al Afghani (1837-1897), Mohamed Abduh (1849-1905) and Rashid Rida (1865-1935) their work emphasized on pan-Islam, the relationship between Islam and the state and women.
Al-Afghani opposed the notions then current in Europe which claimed that only Europe could produce culture and civilization. “Al Afghani was aware of the tendency towards the formation of national states was increasing. Therefore he tried to attune Islam to this development by taking the European idea of the nation, purifying it from its secular connotations and declaring that all Muslims were a single nation, disregarding all ethnic, linguistic and cultural differences”.
Discourses in history prior to the institutionalization of the League of Nations were the discourse of the territorial state and its history.
This discourse did not distinguish between sectarian groups or confessions that inhabited the state.
The first written historical account of the of historic Syria with an Arab culture was written by Lebanese/Syrian Maronite historian Butrus el-Bustani following the 1860 civil strife between Druze and Maronites.
Later on and during the era of the partition of the Ottoman Empire, politicians, and historians who wanted to justify their claims for the Arab sovereignty over Syria utilized el-Bustani’s history to Establish the claim of the Arabism of Syria. 
 Asher Kaufman. Reviving Phoenicia: The Search for Identity in Lebanon (London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2004: 39-40).
The idea of Syria with a non-Arab culture was first expressed by Belgian Jesuit Henry Lammens and historian George Samné “who championed the theme of the national unity of distinct character of Greater Syria, whose population and cultures were distinct, from those of Arab and Muslim.” 
 Elizabeth Prichard. Lebanon a Chattered Country ( London/New York: Holmes and Meier 2002:24-25).
In France and prior to WWI, Christian Lebanese/Syrians led by Charles Corm established the National Association of the Young Syrians in France, “advocating Syrian unity, equity disregarding ritual and religion.” (Later on Antun Saadeh continued this trend)
In 1919 when the King Crane report came out Charles Corm changed philosophy and began issuing La Revue Phénicien, possibly financed by Robert de Caix Gourard. 
Only when the British promoted Arabism of Faisal started threatening the existence of a non-Arab republican Syria as promoted by many Greek Orthodox, as well as Maronites, Greek Catholics, and Shi’a, that the discourse of territorial Phoenicia and the Phoenicians ancestors of the Lebanese started to be the discourse arguing the national identity and the legitimacy of Greater Lebanon.
 Asher Kaufman. Reviving Phoenicia: The Search for Identity in Lebanon (London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2004: 88-89).
For Corm “two sides of the coin complement each other. In Corm’s world of reference and the earthly Phoenicians serve as the appendage to Christian spirituality.”
For Corm, the Phoenician faith was monotheist, and Islam and the Arabs did not exist in the history of Phoenician Lebanon. In his La Montagne Inspirée ” he created an account linking Christianity to Phoenicia. In this account, Ba’al Bek itself was Phoenician, and the Temple of the Sun was the embodiment of the Christian faith in Phoenicia, disregarding the Romans and their significance to Temple of the Sun. 
 Asher Kaufman. Reviving Phoenicia: The Search for Identity in Lebanon (London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2004 : 141-158)